Beginning where Volume 1 left off, this book assumes that the world is moving inexorably, if in fits and starts, toward union. The author explores the implications such a unification will have for all global citizens, great and small, and considers some of the ways such a union might be managed for the greatest good. As globalization gains speed and as its benefits and also its costs become more apparent, the author sketches out some of the conditions that could, eventually, make for a better life for all. He draws on the tenets of Representative Democracy using the US Constitution as a guide. Second, he posits that for such a union to succeed, all nations will either be representative democracies or will convert to the use of representative democracy within a reasonable time after joining the world union. As a natural consequence of these developments, the author suggests,any nation choosing not to join the world union will find its isolation unsustainable and will seek to join the union after all. Lastly, the author concludes that a meaningful liberal education is necessary to prepare individuals for their role as politically, economically, and socially informed citizens.

This book assumes that the world is moving inexorably, if in fits and starts, toward union. The author explores the implications such a unification will have for all global citizens, great and small, and considers some of the ways such a union might be managed for the greatest good.As globalization gains speed and as its benefits and also its costs become more apparent, the author sketches out some of the conditions that could, eventually, make for a better life for all. He draws on the tenets of Representative Democracy using the US Constitution as a guide. Second, he posits that for such a union to succeed, all nations will either be representative democracies or will convert to the use of representative democracy within a reasonable time after joining the world union. As a natural consequence of these developments, the author suggests,any nation choosing not to join the world union will find its isolation unsustainable and will seek to join the union after all. Lastly, the author concludes that a meaningful liberal education is necessary to prepare individuals for their role as politically, economically, and socially informed citizens.

This book assumes that the world is moving inexorably, if in fits and starts, toward union. It explores the implications for all global citizens, and posits that, to succeed, it will be predicated upon a general disarmament and a broad adoption of the principles of Representative Democracy.--

Utopia is a work of fiction and socio-political satire by Thomas More published in 1516 in Latin. The book is a frame narrative primarily depicting a fictional island society and its religious, social and political customs. Many aspects of More's description of Utopia are reminiscent of life in monasteries.

Human rights offer a vision of international justice that today’s idealistic millions hold dear. Yet the very concept on which the movement is based became familiar only a few decades ago when it profoundly reshaped our hopes for an improved humanity. In this pioneering book, Samuel Moyn elevates that extraordinary transformation to center stage and asks what it reveals about the ideal’s troubled present and uncertain future. For some, human rights stretch back to the dawn of Western civilization, the age of the American and French Revolutions, or the post–World War II moment when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was framed. Revisiting these episodes in a dramatic tour of humanity’s moral history, The Last Utopia shows that it was in the decade after 1968 that human rights began to make sense to broad communities of people as the proper cause of justice. Across eastern and western Europe, as well as throughout the United States and Latin America, human rights crystallized in a few short years as social activism and political rhetoric moved it from the hallways of the United Nations to the global forefront. It was on the ruins of earlier political utopias, Moyn argues, that human rights achieved contemporary prominence. The morality of individual rights substituted for the soiled political dreams of revolutionary communism and nationalism as international law became an alternative to popular struggle and bloody violence. But as the ideal of human rights enters into rival political agendas, it requires more vigilance and scrutiny than when it became the watchword of our hopes.

The remaining corner of an old farm, unclaimed by developers. The brook squeezed between housing plans. Abandoned railroad lines. The stand of woods along an expanded highway. These are the outposts of what was once a larger pattern of forests and farms, the "last landscape." According to William H. Whyte, the place to work out the problems of our metropolitan areas is within those areas, not outside them. The age of unchecked expansion without consequence is over, but where there is waste and neglect there is opportunity. Our cities and suburbs are not jammed; they just look that way. There are in fact plenty of ways to use this existing space to the benefit of the community, and The Last Landscape provides a practical and timeless framework for making informed decisions about its use. Called "the best study available on the problems of open space" by the New York Times when it first appeared in 1968, The Last Landscape introduced many cornerstone ideas for land conservation, urging all of us to make better use of the land that has survived amid suburban sprawl. Whyte's pioneering work on easements led to the passage of major open space statutes in many states, and his argument for using and linking green spaces, however small the areas may be, is a recommendation that has more currency today than ever before.