Recent decades have witnessed a sharp increase in the labor force participation of married women. The paper investigates the effect of wives' earnings on family income distribution. This effect depends on the in-equality of women's earnings as compared with other sources of income, on the correlation between the two and on the woman's share in total income. These in turn depend on participation patterns, labor supply and sex related wage differentials. In general, only the correlation between the various sources of income has an unambiguous effect on inequality, the effects of the other factors depending on the specific values of the parameters. In Israel where there are sharp differences in participation rates of married women and in sex related earnings differentials by schooling group, wives' earnings reduce total family income inequality, increasing at the same time the between-group (ethnic and schooling group) variability. The paper examines the effect of changes in the participation rate and the wife-husband earnings gap on family income inequality. It compares the effect of wives' earnings with other income sources (e.g., transfers) and examines the implication of separate tax returns for inequality

The entry of married women into the labor force and the rise in women's relative wages are amongst the most notable economic developments of the twentieth century. The growth in these indicators was particularly pronounced in the 1970s and 1980s, but it stalled since the early 1990s, especially for college graduates. In this paper, we argue that the discontinued growth in female labor supply and wages since the 1990s is a consequence of growing inequality. Our hypothesis is that the growth in top incomes for men generated a negative income effect on the labor supply of their spouses, which reduced their participation and wages. We show that the slowdown in participation and wage growth was concentrated among women married to highly educated and high income husbands, whose earnings grew dramatically over this period. We then develop a model of household labor supply with returns to experience that qualitatively reproduces this effect. A calibrated version of the model can account for a large fraction of the decline relative to trend in married women's participation in 1995-2005 particularly for college women. The model can also account for the rise in the gender wage gap for college graduates relative to trend in the same period.

Report on and statistical analysis of employment patterns and wages of married women in the woman worker force in the USA - includes information on the data analysis methodology, the labour force activity of women in relation to family composition and children status (incl. Part time employment), the effects of age, fertility, education, economic need, etc., and examines wage differentials of Black and White women. Bibliography pp. 201 to 208 and statistical tables.

Today, more American women than ever before stay in the workforce into their sixties and seventies. This trend emerged in the 1980s, and has persisted during the past three decades, despite substantial changes in macroeconomic conditions. Why is this so? Today’s older American women work full-time jobs at greater rates than women in other developed countries. In Women Working Longer, editors Claudia Goldin and Lawrence F. Katz assemble new research that presents fresh insights on the phenomenon of working longer. Their findings suggest that education and work experience earlier in life are connected to women’s later-in-life work. Other contributors to the volume investigate additional factors that may play a role in late-life labor supply, such as marital disruption, household finances, and access to retirement benefits. A pioneering study of recent trends in older women’s labor force participation, this collection offers insights valuable to a wide array of social scientists, employers, and policy makers.

Despite the increase in female labor force participation over the past three decades, women still do not have the same opportunities as men to participate in economic activities in most countries. The average female labor force participation rate across countries is still 20 percentage points lower than the male rate, and gender gaps in wages and access to education persist. As shown by earlier work, including by the IMF, greater gender equality boosts economic growth and leads to better development and social outcomes. Gender equality is also one of the 17 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals that 193 countries committed to achieve by 2030.