LETTERS TO THE COLONEL A MESSAGE FROM STEPHEN A. OSBORN, PRESIDENT NEW YORK TO PHILADELPHIA COACH RUN THIRD ANNUAL STONY BROOK DRIVING MEET WHIP-STOCK MAKING WAS PENNSYLVANIA INDUSTRY RAIN RELENTS IN TIME FOR MARATHON, by Charles IV. Kellogg THE MASTEN SHAY, by Ivan Crowell . ........ . ......... . CARRIAGES ADD TO NEW ORLEANS HORSE SHOW .. . .. .. .. . ALL ROADS LEAD TO COLORADO SPRINGS, by Charles IV. Kellogg. 1973 DRIVING EVENTS ... . .... .. ... .. . ..... .. . . . POMP AND CIRCUMSTANCE, by Lida Fleitman Bloodgood . . . THE PIERCE A. MILLER HORSE AND BUGGY COLLECTION HACKNEYS AND MORGANS WIN AT MILLBROOK ........ . TRIBUTE TO COL. DOWNING . ......... . .. .. ... .. . DRAFT HORSE EXTRAVAGANZA IN THE NORTHWEST, by Glenda Polinder. IN TANDEM HITCHING LEAD BARS ARE BEST, by Charles IV. Kellogg . A LIFT FOR AN IRISH BRIDE'S WEDDING DAY MR. WILLIAMS' PATENTED "PRESERVER" UPHOLSTERY FIRM IN CARRIAGE SETTING AN INSTANCE OF HUMAN WEAKNESS

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. The authors emphasise the dynamism of America's foremost political institutions within a democratic system. They examine recent developments in relation to the wider context of United States politics and reassert the importance of institutions in understanding this unique political system.

Government is under enormous pressure to change. Call it reinventing, reengineering, or plain old change, but the mandate remains the same: produce more with less, and satisfy the customer while doing it. Yet, successful reform must involve more than exhortation and slogans. Paul Light argues that a failure to pay attention to the thickening of government over the past half century may doom any reinventing effort. The federal government has never had so many leaders. There are more layers of management between the top and bottom of government, with more administrative units and occupants at each layer. Bill Clinton is further from the frontlines of government than any president in American history. If the past decades are any indication, he will exit a presidency that is even thicker. Light presents a revealing look at how thick the bureaucracy really is, how and why thickening occurs, what difference it might make, and what can be done to both reverse the process and keep the thickening from growing back. Light shows how the management layers between the top and bottom of government—between air traffic controllers and the Secretary of Transportation, food inspectors and the Secretary of Agriculture, and so on—have steadily increased. In 1960, for example, John F. Kennedy's senior-most appointments came in four layers: secretary, under secretary, assistant secretary, and deputy assistant secretary. By 1992, the number of layers had tripled. In the meantime, the number of occupants at each layer grew geometrically; the number of assistant secretaries jumped from 81 to 212. A government of managers means the president has very little direct access or control over what happens far below, a basic problem of accountability. Information gets distorted on the way up, and guidance gets lost on the way down. Thickening often creates so many bureaucratic baffles that no one can be held accountable for any decision; mid-level workers may have so many bosses that they effectively have none. Light concludes that practically nothing by way of quality management, service-government, or employee involvement can work with these towering government agencies. But practically nothing will fail if a radical "down- layering" is undertaken now.

The first comprehensive study in more than forty years to explain congressional leadership selection How are congressional party leaders chosen? In the first comprehensive study since Robert Peabody's classic Leadership in Congress, political scientists Matthew Green and Douglas Harris draw on newly collected data about U.S. House members who have sought leadership positions from the 1960s to the present--data including whip tallies, public and private vote commitments, interviews, and media accounts--to provide new insights into how the selection process truly works. Elections for congressional party leaders are conventionally seen as a function of either legislators' ideological preferences or factors too idiosyncratic to permit systematic analysis. Analyzing six decades' worth of information, Harris and Green find evidence for a new comprehensive model of vote choice in House leadership elections that incorporates both legislators' goals and their connections with leadership candidates. This study will stand for years to come as the definitive treatment of a crucial aspect of American politics.