Cost-effective methods for improving crime control in America Since the crime explosion of the 1960s, the prison population in the United States has multiplied fivefold, to one prisoner for every hundred adults—a rate unprecedented in American history and unmatched anywhere in the world. Even as the prisoner head count continues to rise, crime has stopped falling, and poor people and minorities still bear the brunt of both crime and punishment. When Brute Force Fails explains how we got into the current trap and how we can get out of it: to cut both crime and the prison population in half within a decade. Mark Kleiman demonstrates that simply locking up more people for lengthier terms is no longer a workable crime-control strategy. But, says Kleiman, there has been a revolution—largely unnoticed by the press—in controlling crime by means other than brute-force incarceration: substituting swiftness and certainty of punishment for randomized severity, concentrating enforcement resources rather than dispersing them, communicating specific threats of punishment to specific offenders, and enforcing probation and parole conditions to make community corrections a genuine alternative to incarceration. As Kleiman shows, "zero tolerance" is nonsense: there are always more offenses than there is punishment capacity. But, it is possible—and essential—to create focused zero tolerance, by clearly specifying the rules and then delivering the promised sanctions every time the rules are broken. Brute-force crime control has been a costly mistake, both socially and financially. Now that we know how to do better, it would be immoral not to put that knowledge to work.

But Creating Born Criminals is much more than a look at the past. It is an exploration of the role of biological explanation as a form of discourse and of its impact upon society. While The Bell Curve and other recent books have stopped short of making eugenic recommendations, their contentions point toward eugenic conclusions, and people familiar with the history of eugenics can hear in them its echoes. Rafter demonstrates that we need to know how eugenic reasoning worked in the past and that we must recognize the dangers posed by the dominance of a theory that interprets social problems in biological terms and difference as biological inferiority.

A timely, tightly reasoned, thought-provoking examination of ways to select policies for the enforcement of federal marijuana drug laws. Choice Mark Kleiman has written a thorough . . . analysis of federal law enforcement policy options regarding marijuana. The genesis of this work began when he worked as a policy analyst with the U.S. Department of Justice. . . . Kleiman presents a number of major arguments against increased federal enforcement of laws prohibiting marijuana, including that it would: (1) increase the use of other drugs such as PCP and alcohol, (2) increase drug dealing and theft among adolescent users, and (3) increase the involvement of organized crime in the illicit distribution and sale of marijuana due to the attraction of greater profits. Regarding this last item, he argues that as enforcement efforts increase it gives people with a propensity for using violence and corruption a competitive advantage in the marijuana trade. Because Kleiman argues for a severe curtailment of federal law enforcement efforts against marijuana, it will stimulate the debate about the role of federal law with regard to marijuana. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice How, and how vigorously, should U.S. federal law enforcement agencies enforce the laws against dealing in marijuana? This book assesses alternative ways of enforcing marijuana laws at the federal level. Marijuana grew out of work begun by Kleiman in 1981-1982 when, as a drug policy analyst for the Department of Justice, he was trying to calculate how an increase in enforcement resources would serve the twin goals of reducing drug abuse and limiting the power and wealth of large criminal organizations. This volume reproduces that analysis, using newer data, and compares results up to 1985-1986 with expectations. It is intended not to second-guess what was done, but to suggest how such choices ought to be made in the future. Kleiman divides his analysis into three parts. First, he identifies what is at stake in marijuana consumption and dealing, estimates the size of the problem, and discusses the criteria to be used in judging a policy recommendation. The second part is devoted to developing a theory of drug dealing and its response to varying levels of enforcement pressure. The remainder of the book applies that theory to the real world and discusses the policy options available now. Kleiman's conclusions are pessimistic about the ability of federal enforcement to influence marijuana consumption. His analysis supports both a reduction in federal marijuana enforcement efforts and a redirection towards the most violent dealing groups. As a study of a critical problem in contemporary American society and as a work of policy analysis, Marijuana will be challenging reading for political scientists, economists, policy analysts, and members of those agencies dealing with drug law enforcement. The serious general reader also will find it thought provoking.

In asymmetric interstate conflicts, great powers have the capability to coerce weak states by threatening their survival—but not vice versa. It is therefore the great power that decides whether to escalate a conflict into a crisis by adopting a coercive strategy. In practice, however, the coercive strategies of the U.S. have frequently failed. In Coercion, Survival and War Phil Haun chronicles 30 asymmetric interstate crises involving the US from 1918 to 2003. The U.S. chose coercive strategies in 23 of these cases, but coercion failed half of the time: most often because the more powerful U.S. made demands that threatened the very survival of the weak state, causing it to resist as long as it had the means to do so. It is an unfortunate paradox Haun notes that, where the U.S. may prefer brute force to coercion, these power asymmetries may well lead it to first attempt coercive strategies that are expected to fail in order to justify the war it desires. He concludes that, when coercion is preferred to brute force there are clear limits as to what can be demanded. In such cases, he suggests, U.S. policymakers can improve the chances of success by matching appropriate threats to demands, by including other great powers in the coercive process, and by reducing a weak state leader's reputational costs by giving him or her face-saving options.

The first book to provide a critical analysis of the role of victims in the criminal justice system as a whole. It also breaks new ground in focusing not only on the victims of crime, but also on those of the war on victimless crime.

"New York Times" bestselling journalist John Stossel shows how the expansion of government control is destructive for American society.