This pivot sheds light on U.S. foreign policy objectives by examining diplomatic cables produced by the U.S. Embassy and Consulates in Australia, some which have been officially declassified over the past 30 years and others which were made public by the anti-secrecy group, WikiLeaks. Providing an original analysis of the cables, this book provides the context and explanations necessary for readers to understand how the U.S. Embassy’s objectives in Australia and the wider world have evolved since the 1980's. It shows that Australian policymakers work closely with their American counterparts, aligning Australian foreign policy to suit American preferences. It examines a range of U.S. government priorities, from strategic goals, commercial objectives, public diplomacy, financial sanctions against terrorism, and diplomatic actions related to climate change, looking back at key events in the relationship such as sanctions against Iraq, the 2008 Global Financial crisis, intellectual property protection and the rise of China.

Based on a rich array of sources that capture the voices of both political leaders and ordinary Americans, Uncle Sam Wants You offers a vivid and provocative new interpretation of American political history, revealing how the tensions of mass mobilization during World War I led to a significant increase in power for the federal government. Christopher Capozzola shows how, when the war began, Americans at first mobilized society by stressing duty, obligation, and responsibility over rights and freedoms. But the heated temper of war quickly unleashed coercion on an unprecedented scale, making wartime America the scene of some of the nation's most serious political violence, including notorious episodes of outright mob violence. To solve this problem, Americans turned over increasing amounts of power to the federal government. In the end, whether they were some of the four million men drafted under the Selective Service Act or the tens of millions of home-front volunteers, Americans of the World War I era created a new American state, and new ways of being American citizens.

'Chomsky's work is neither theoretical, nor ideological: it is passionate and righteous. It has some of the qualities of Revelations, the Old Testament prophets and Blake' Ken Jowitt, TLSA brilliant distillation of the real motivations behind U.S. foreign policy, compiled from talks and interviews completed between 1986 and 1991, with particular attention to Central America.Quotes from Noam Chomsky:* Contrary to what virtually everyone - left or right - says, the United States achieved its major objectives in Indochina. Vietnam was demolished. There's no danger that successful development there will provide a model for other nations in the region.* At exactly the moment it invaded Panama... the Bush administration announced new high-technology sales to China [and] plans... to lift ban on loans to Iraq... Compared to Bush's buddies in Baghdad and Beijing, Noriega looked like Mother Teresa.* Prospects are pretty dim for Eastern Europe. The West has a plan for it - they want to turn large parts of it into a new, easily exploitable part of the Third World.

Describes the experiences of men and women in the United States armed services during World War II, discussing such topics as the draft, boot camp, stateside duty, and combat in Europe and the Pacific.

Three children discover Daddy will leave on deployment. They learn fun ways to deal with separation anxiety and show they care while Dad is gone.

Extraordinary rendition—the practice of abducting criminal suspects in locations around the world—has been criticized as an unprecedented expansion of U.S. police powers. But America’s aggressive pursuit of fugitives beyond its borders far predates the global war on terror. Uncle Sam’s Policemen investigates the history of international manhunts, arguing that the extension of U.S. law enforcement into foreign jurisdictions at the turn of the twentieth century forms an important chapter in the story of American empire. In the late 1800s, expanding networks of railroads and steamships made it increasingly easy for criminals to evade justice. Recognizing that domestic law and order depended on projecting legal authority abroad, President Theodore Roosevelt declared in 1903 that the United States would “leave no place on earth” for criminals to hide. Charting the rapid growth of extradition law, Katherine Unterman shows that the United States had fifty-eight treaties with thirty-six nations by 1900—more than any other country. American diplomats put pressure on countries that served as extradition havens, particularly in Latin America, and cloak-and-dagger tactics such as the kidnapping of fugitives by Pinkerton detectives were fair game—a practice explicitly condoned by the U.S. Supreme Court. The most wanted fugitives of this period were not anarchists and political agitators but embezzlers and defrauders—criminals who threatened the emerging corporate capitalist order. By the early twentieth century, the long arm of American law stretched around the globe, creating an informal empire that complemented both military and economic might.