The fratricidal war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) between 1992 and 1995 was the third and most brutal chapter of the dissolution of former Yugoslavia. The war left the country devastated and deeply divided along ethnic lines. Pursuant to the impotence of the International Community (IC) to stop the fighting, and after the humanitarian and political consequences of the war had finally become unbearable, a delicate and complicated compromise was hammered out in Dayton. Twelve years have passed since the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords, which have seen immense international investment. While official rhetoric by the International Community seems to suggest that there is constant progress in state and nation building, academic in-depth studies and close political observers are more skeptical. There is no consensus as to how viable BiH is today. This thesis first develops different criteria for state viability in ethically divided societies, derived from the literatures on strong and weak states and on the post-Westphalian system. This concept is then applied to the Bosnian case. Since internal and external security are the principal political goods deliverable for the inhabitants of any state and taking into consideration that the state has to have the monopoly over the legitimate use of force, the defense reform process since 2003 is taken as the major indicator for the state viability of Bosnia today. The thesis concludes that despite much progress Bosnia is not yet viable without further international assistance.

The Dayton Accords ended the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1995. The 10th anniversary gives reason to investigate the post-war period, today's realities and future perspectives. Bosnian authors and international experts express their views on recent developments. Insiders and outsiders, working in the conflict and on its transformation, have been invited to tackle the questions: Which conflict lines mark the present society? Did peacebuilding activities address the underlying causes? What are obstacles for conflict transformation? What are the potentials and limits of international support? What does "civil society" mean in Bosnia and how is it related to statebuilding and democratisation? How can people constructively deal with the past in order to design the future in the region of former Yugoslavia? The book gives an overview on an important research focus of the Berghof Research Center, highlighting the work of its most important cooperation partners.

The book is about the peace implementation process in Bosnia-Herzegovina viewed, or interpreted reasonably, as a continuation of war by other means. Twenty years after the beginning of the Dayton peace accords, we need to summarize the results: the author shares the general agreement in public opinion, according to which the process is a failure. Pehar presents a broad, yet sufficiently detailed, view of the entire peace agreement implementation that preserves 'the state of war,' and thus encourages the war-prone attitudes in the parties to the agreement. He examines the political and narratological underpinnings to the process of the imposed international (predominantly USA) interpretation of the Dayton constitution and peace treaty as a whole. The key issue is the – perhaps only semi-consciously applied – divide ut imperes strategy. After nearly twenty years, the peace in document was not translated into a peace on the ground because, with regard to the key political and constitutional issues and attitudes, Bosnia remains a deeply divided society. The book concludes that the international supervision served a counter-purpose: instead of correcting the aberration and guarding the meaning that was originally accepted in the Dayton peace treaty, the supervision approved the aberration and imposed it as a new norm under the clout of 'the power of ultimate interpretation.'

Bose (comparative politics, London School of Economics and Political Science) explores the political dimensions of the internally led reconstruction process in the Balkan country since the late-1995 Dayton Peace Agreement. He argues that the post-war experience of Bosnia-Herzegovina is important and relevant for its own sake, but also as a highly visible testing ground for post-Cold War interventions in general and specifically the agendas of Europe, transatlantic security organizations, and development agencies. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR.

Previously published as a special issue of Ethnopolitics, this volume analyzes various dimensions of the internationalized state-building process in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1995. In December 1995, the Dayton Agreements ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina and established a fragile peace between the former conflict parties. The settlement seemed morally wrong and politically impracticable, but still necessary in order to end violence of a scale and intensity not seen in Europe since the end of the Second World War. The leading contributors conclude that internationalized state-building can only serve well in the stabilization of states emerging from conflict if it draws on a well-balanced approach of consociational techniques, moderated by integrative policies, tempered by a wider regional outlook and sustained by resourceful and skilled international involvement. The experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina may not have scored full marks in all of these categories, but important lessons can be gleaned for other similar contemporary and future challenges that the international community no doubt will have to face. This book will be of interest to students and scholars of international organizations, civil wars and ethnic conflicts, international law and peace studies.

A fresh examination of the political economy of the peacebuilding process in Bosnia-Herzegovina in the aftermath of the country's 1992-95 war. Little progress has been made in transforming the country's war-shattered economy into a functioning market economy, this new study explains the principal dynamics that have led to this, and places Bosnia's economic transition process within the context of the country's broader post-conflict peacebuilding process. The central argument this book persuasively advances is that much of Bosnia's ongoing economic crisis, and its current reform stalemate, can be explained by exploring the interactions of an inappropriate international model of economic reform with the country's particular post-conflict and post-socialist political economy. This book is essential for readers who wish to build an understanding of the region and assess its future prospects and hopes.