This book investigates the US-Kuwaiti relationship within the frameworks of a 'small state' and 'influence' since Kuwaiti independence in 1961 and especially under the three presidents of the US - Carter, Reagan, and Bush.

US Democracy Promotion in the Middle East seeks to explore the changes in US strategy towards democracy promotion in the Middle East during the Clinton and Bush administrations, with a particular focus on Egypt, Iraq and Kuwait. At a time of regional turmoil and political reform, the topic of democracy promotion has never been more pertinent. We are witnessing the emergence of popular movements that are challenging authoritarian governments long supported by the US. Tracing the contours of the ongoing transition in US policy in the Middle East, this book critically deconstructs the strategy of democracy promotion on both a theoretical and empirical level. By formulating and applying an analytical framework derived from a Gramscian approach, Markakis seeks to propose a re-evaluation of what US foreign policy in the Middle East truly constitutes, critiquing both the ideological foundations of the strategy as well as the implementation. This book will provide a solid foundation for the analysis of US policy and in particular the strategy of democracy promotion at this time of momentous transition across the region.

This book is a major and wide-ranging re-assessment of Anglo-American relations in the Middle Eastern context. It analyses the process of ending of empire in the Middle East from 1945 to the Yom Kippur War of 1973. Based on original research into both British and American archival sources, it covers all the key events of the period, including the withdrawal from Palestine, the Anglo-American coup against the Musaddiq regime in Iran, the Suez Crisis and its aftermath, the Iraqi and Yemeni revolutions, and the Arab-Israeli conflicts. It demonstrates that, far from experiencing a ‘loss of nerve’ or tamely acquiescing in a transfer of power to the United States, British decision-makers robustly defended their regional interests well into the 1960s and even beyond. It also argues that concept of the ‘special relationship’ impeded the smooth-running of Anglo-American relations in the region by obscuring differences, stymieing clear communication, and practising self-deception on policy-makers on both sides of the Atlantic who assumed a contiguity which all too often failed to exist. With the Middle East at the top of the contemporary international policy agenda, and recent Anglo-American interventions fuelling interest in empire, this is a timely book of importance to all those interested in the contemporary development of the region.

CHAPTER 10 THE HUB -- CONCLUSION (IN) CAPACITATED -- Survivors -- Capacity, Not Legitimacy -- Energy Saver -- Integrate -- Invested -- NOTES -- BIBLIOGRAPHY -- ILLUSTRATION CREDITS -- INDEX

The Abraham Accords: National Security, Regional Order, and Popular Representation is a pioneering effort in discussing and analyzing the background, motivations and implications surrounding the Abraham Accords. The authors argue for a nuanced conceptual toolkit to better break down complex strands of state, regional and international interaction, interest and concern. They point to regional dynamics being vital, especially to small states or states under attack, in terms of delivering on their security objectives and by building positions of influence. The Saudi case shows how the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, perceived US policy failures, and imperatives of Vision 2030, have coalesced to differentiate its regional relations, including attempts at both “strategic autonomy” and “relational autonomy.” The degree of political consolidation, pluralism, and rentier stage are also found to be key indicators of past and future normalization trends with Israel, aspects which could have major bearings on domestic politics should the 2023 Gaza war continue or escalate further. This book includes a wealth of detail on the history and contemporary relations of Israel and Palestine and includes chapters covering all six of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states, as well as Iran.

When the British Labour party announced the withdrawal of British forces from the Persian Gulf in January 1968, the United States faced a potential power vacuum in the area. The incoming Nixon administration, preoccupied with the Soviet Union and China, and the war in Vietnam, had no intention of replacing the British in the Gulf.

The Arabian Gulf region is a vulnerable flashpoint. Small states in this region try to leverage their core interests against big power domination. This book narrates the problematique of Kuwait, whose geostrategic weakness was exposed in 1990, forcing her to trade resource strength for security guarantees. In recent years, challenged by regional rivalries, environmental impacts, falling oil prices and the dangers of terrorist insurgency, Kuwait faces an escalating security dilemma. With the imminent disengagement of the U.S. from Middle Eastern entanglements, should Kuwait resort to hedging partnerships with emerging multipolar giants like China, Russia or India? Can Kuwait survive domestic challenges of a youth bulge, a huge expatriate population, budgetary deficits, increasing public welfare and costs of desalination? What would be the main security options for Kuwait in a world that is increasingly volatile, uncertain, complex and ambiguous?