This is the first book length study of the Uganda Peoples Congress ever. The book does for UPC and Uganda as a whole what no other book has done for both so far. It employs three sets of theories: the theory of national-democratic liberation; the theory of modes of production; and, the theory of social identities to analyse the Ugandan situation. Through the use of these theories it succeeds in unravelling issues which have remained unexplained so far. Such issues include why there have been a contradiction between Buganda, on the one side, and the rest of the identities/nationalities/tribes of Uganda on the other. The book explains that this contradiction arose from the fact that Buganda has been a dominant power/identity in the region since around 1600. The book also reveals in great details how British intelligence masterminded the 1971 coup which brought Idd Amin to power. It does a searing analysis of Obotes nationalisation measures of the late 60s, denying the socialist claims about them and showing the measures to be nationalistic as well as progressive. It treats the eruptions of the mid 60s which ended with the abolition of the monarchies as aspects of the national-democratic liberation. It has a chapter which takes a swipe at the National Resistance Movement. At the end of the book is an appendix which gives a critical analysis of the position of Marxists, particularly Professor Mahmood Mamdani on UPC.

The Role of Parliament

After independence many African countries abjured conventional patterns of political representation and democratic participation in the interest of creating a unified state and promoting economic development. Today, however, the dominant models of one-party democracy and African socialism are in terminal collapse as a result of internal pressures a

This book theorizes the ways in which states that are presumed to be weaker in the international system use the International Criminal Court (ICC) to advance their security and political interests. Ultimately, it contends that African states have managed to instrumentally and strategically use the international justice system to their advantage, a theoretical framework that challenges the “justice cascade” argument. The empirical work of this study focuses on four major themes around the intersection of power, states' interests, and the global governance of atrocity crimes: firstly, the strategic use of self-referrals to the ICC; secondly, complementarity between national and the international justice system; thirdly, the limits of state cooperation with international courts; and finally the use of international courts in domestic political conflicts. This book is valuable to students, scholars, and researchers who are interested in international relations, international criminal justice, peace and conflict studies, human rights, and African politics.

Black Africa presents political, economic and social data for 41 black African nations. The first edition was published in 1972 and included only data on 32 countries - which was the total number of independent African nations at that time. Enlarging on the first edition, this second edition covers in detail important aspects of the countries included, from demography to political development and social mobilization to a modern comparative analysis of African states. Black Africa is a complete and comprehensive handbook. The first edition of Black Africa won a Book of the Year Award from the American Library Association.

The Political Handbook of the World 2022-2023 provides timely, thorough, and accurate political information, with more in-depth coverage of current political controversies than any other reference guide. The updated 2022-2023 edition continues to be the most authoritative source for finding complete facts and analysis on each country′s governmental and political makeup. Tom Lansford has compiled in one place more than 200 entries on countries and territories throughout the world, this volume is renowned for its extensive coverage of all major and minor political parties and groups in each political system. It also provides names of key ambassadors and international memberships of each country, plus detailed profiles of more than 30 intergovernmental organizations and UN agencies. And this update will aim to include coverage of current events, issues, crises, and controversies from the course of the last two years.

Constitution-making for democracy has always been a highly political and contested process. It has never been more ambitious, or more difficult, than today as politicians and experts attempt to build democratic institutions that will foster peace and stability in countries torn by violent conflict. The extended investigation out of which this book has grown has ranged across three continents. It has examined such apparently intractable cases as Bosnia-Herzegovina, Sri Lanka and Fiji, as well as apparent 'success stories' like South Africa, Ghana and Uganda. Three groups of questions are explored: * How and by whom were democratic institutions (re)designed? * How have they functioned in practice: what has been the relationship between democratic institutions and democratic politics? * How have they measured up to the pressures placed on them by ongoing violence, poverty, globalization and democratization itself? The authors, while regarding democracy as a general entitlement, refuse to subscribe to a triumphalist view which sees it as a universal panacea. Instead they seek to understand how democratic institutions actually facilitate (or sometimes fail to facilitate) improved governance and the management of conflict in a variety of national settings. This thoughtful and empirical set of explorations is highly relevant to other societies wrestling with similar problems of institutional design in situations of democratic transition and/or deep-seated social conflict.