Few studies have looked into the governance of universities in societies affected by armed conflicts, because they are either meant for practitioners or focused on the role of universities for peace and development. Akiiki Babyesiza offers an in-depth analysis of the relationship between state, higher education, and society in a multicultural and multi-religious post-conflict setting and uses empirical data to question university governance concepts. She explores the role that civil wars played in university development and governance in Sudan with a particular focus on Southern Sudan after the peace agreement of 2005 and before its secession in 2011.

Naseem Badiey examines the local dynamics of the emerging capital city of Juba, Southern Sudan, during the historically pivotal transition period following the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA). Focusing on the intersections of land tenure reform and urban development, she challenges the dominant paradigm of 'post-conflict reconstruction' and re-conceptualizes state-building as a social process underpinned by negotiation. Badiey explores local resistance to reconstruction programmes, debates over the interpretation of peace settlements, and competing claims to land and resources not as problems to be solved through interventions but as negotiations of authority which are fundamental to shaping the character of the 'state'. While donors and aid agency officials anticipated clashes between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) following the CPA, they did not foresee internal divisions that impeded reconstruction in Southern Sudan, raising serious questions about the viability of an independent state. In Juba local elites interpreted the CPA in line with their economic and political interests, using claims to land, authority and political power to challenge the SPLM's agenda for urban reconstruction. In revealing how local actors strategically interpreted the framework of land rights in Southern Sudan, the book offers a basis for understanding the challenges that confront the nascent South Sudan's state-builders and their international partners in the future. NASEEM BADIEY is Assistant Professor of International Development and Humanitarian Action at California State University Monterey Bay.

Using more than a decade's worth of fieldwork in South Sudan, Clémence Pinaud here explores the relationship between predatory wealth accumulation, state formation, and a form of racism—extreme ethnic group entitlement—that has the potential to result in genocide. War and Genocide in South Sudan traces the rise of a predatory state during civil war in southern Sudan and its transformation into a violent Dinka ethnocracy after the region's formal independence. That new state, Pinaud argues, waged genocide against non-Dinka civilians in 2013-2017. During a civil war that wrecked the region between 1983 and 2005, the predominantly Dinka Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) practiced ethnically exclusive and predatory wealth accumulation. Its actions fostered extreme group entitlement and profoundly shaped the rebel state. Ethnic group entitlement eventually grew into an ideology of ethnic supremacy. After that war ended, the semi-autonomous state turned into a violent and predatory ethnocracy—a process accelerated by independence in 2011. The rise of exclusionary nationalism, a new security landscape, and inter-ethnic political competition contributed to the start of a new round of civil war in 2013, in which the recently founded state unleashed violence against nearly all non-Dinka ethnic groups. Pinaud investigates three campaigns waged by the South Sudan government in 2013–2017 and concludes they were genocidal—they sought to destroy non-Dinka target groups. She demonstrates how the perpetrators' sense of group entitlement culminated in land-grabs that amounted to a genocidal conquest echoing the imperialist origins of modern genocides. Thanks to generous funding from TOME, the ebook editions of this book are available as Open Access volumes from Cornell Open (cornellpress.cornell.edu/cornell-open) and other repositories.

Despite expectations that the celebrated second wave of constitutional democracy in the 1990s would facilitate economic development, Africa remains the continent with the highest level of poverty in the world. The fight against poverty hinges on a vibrant economy that creates jobs and income by generating enough revenue to enable the state to take pro-development measures. However, instead of the economic benefits that were supposed to accrue from the constitutional reforms of the last three decades (including entrenching a market economy), African economies remain weak, a situation that has been aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. By focusing on the relationship between constitutionalism and economic growth in Africa, this volume addresses five questions: (1) In the constitutional reforms of the 1990s and thereafter, did constitutions also reflect the shift towards a market economy, and if so, in what manner? (2) Given that agriculture and extractive industries are the main sources of state revenue in many African economies, how are matters of land and other natural resources dealt with constitutionally? (3) Where the market economy is captured in a constitution, what is the state's relationship to that economy: interventionist or laissez-faire, or somewhere in between? Have constitutions also established a 'social' state that provides its citizens with the basic elements of a dignified life? (4) In the process of constitution-making and implementation concerning the economy, what impact has globalization had on constitutionalism and economic growth in Africa? (5) Finally, how has the relationship between constitutionalism and economic growth played out in practice? Is there a symbiotic relationship? Has constitutionalism led (or may do so) to greater economic prosperity? Constitutionalism and the Economy in Africa offers a range of comprehensive arguments and case studies that will be of interest and use to academics, post-graduate students, judges, lawyers, economists, and policy makers involved in the economic role of the State, the impact of globalization, and the constitutional foundations for land and natural resources exploitation.

Countries emerging from civil war or protracted violence often face the daunting challenge of rebuilding their economy while simultaneously creating the political and social conditions for a stable peace. The implicit assumption in the international community that rapid political democratisation along with economic liberalisation holds the key to sustainable peace is belied by the experiences of countries such as Iraq and Afghanistan. Often, the challenges of post-conflict reconstruction revolve around the timing and sequencing of different reform that may have contradictory implications. Drawing on a range of thematic studies and empirical cases, this book examines how post-conflict reconstruction policies can be better sequenced in order to promote sustainable peace. The book provides evidence that many reforms that are often thought to be imperative in post-conflict societies may be better considered as long-term objectives, and that the immediate imperative for such societies should be 'people-centred' policies.

Constitutions can play a central role in responding to environmental challenges, such as pollution, biodiversity loss, lack of drinking water, and climate change. The vast majority of people on earth live under constitutional systems that protect the environment or recognize environmental rights. Such environmental constitutionalism, however, falls short without effective implementation by policymakers, advocates and jurists. Implementing Environmental Constitutionalism: Current Global Challenges explains and explores this 'implementation gap'. This collection is both broad and deep. While some of the essays analyze crosscutting themes, such as climate change and the need for rule of law that affect the implementation of environmental constitutionalism throughout the world, others delve deeply into geographically contextual experiences for lessons about how constitutional environmental law might be more effectively implemented. This volume informs global conversations about whether and how environmental constitutionalism can be made more effective to protect the natural environment.

South Sudan, the world's youngest country, has experienced a rocky start to its life as an independent nation. Less than three years after gaining independence in 2011 following a violent liberation war, the country slid back into conflict. In the wake of infighting within the ruling Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), violence erupted in South Sudan's capital, Juba, in December 2013. The conflict pitted President Salva Kiir's predominantly Dinka presidential guard against Nuer fighters loyal to the former Vice President Riek Machar. As fighting spread across the country, it has taken on an increasingly ethnic nature. Ceasefires have been agreed, but there have been repeated violations by all sides. Today the conflict continues unabated and the humanitarian situation grows ever more urgent. This book analyses the crisis and some of its contributing factors. The contributors have worked on South Sudan for a number of years and bring a wealth of knowledge and different perspectives to this discussion. Providing the most comprehensive analysis yet of South Sudan's social and political history, post-independence governance systems and the current challenges for development, this book will be essential reading for all those interested in the continuing struggle for peace in South Sudan.