Revised and updated, this long-awaited second edition provides a comprehensive introduction to what the most thoughtful Americans have said about the American experience from the colonial period to the present. The book examines the political thought of the most important American statesmen, activists, and writers across era and ideologies, helping another generation of students, scholars, and citizens to understand more fully the meaning of America. This new second edition of the book includes chapters on several additional historical figures, including Walt Whitman, Lyndon Baines Johnson, and Ronald Reagan, as well as a new chapter on Barack Obama, who was not prominent in public life when the first edition was published. Significant revisions and additions have also been made to many of the original chapters, most notably on Antonin Scalia, which now updates his full legacy, increasing the breadth and depth of the collection.

The purchase of this ebook edition does not entitle you to receive access to the Connected eBook on CasebookConnect. You will need to purchase a new print book to get access to the full experience including: lifetime access to the online ebook with highlight, annotation, and search capabilities, plus an outline tool and other helpful resources. Legislative Process is the only casebook that provides in-depth coverage of the goals, structures, processes, powers, and rules of Congress and its committees and subcommittees. With its extraordinarily impressive authorship team consisting of Abner J. Mikva, Eric Lane, Michael Gerhardt, and Daniel Hemel (each of whom has had significant legislative experience), this important casebook serves as an insider's perspective on the legislative process. The book takes a practical and process-oriented approach. It provides historical context on the role and drafting and interpretation of statutes, and includes extensive use of primary materials, including bills and statutes, committee reports and debates, legislative rules, constitutional provisions and other legislative authorities, and judicial decisions. New to the Fifth Edition: Up-to-date legislative and judicial developments regarding the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Affordable Care Act, the budget process, and other landmark congressional statutes In-depth analyses of the two impeachments of Donald Trump and Supreme Court confirmation proceedings over the last few decades Comprehensive analysis of the mechanisms, besides impeachment, for holding presidents accountable for their misconduct Consideration of various proposals for reforming the federal law-making process Professors and students will benefit from: The detailed descriptions of the law-making process within Congress Comprehensive analysis of the relative scope of major congressional powers Inside accounts of legislative activities, including committee and subcommittee work The use of the casebook as a handbook for anyone interested in knowing more, or working in, Congress or state legislatures

Pulling the rug out from debates about interpretation, The Language of Statutes joins together learning from law, linguistics, and cognitive science to illuminate the fundamental issues and problems in this highly contested area. Here, Lawrence M. Solan argues that statutory interpretation is alive, well, and not in need of the major overhaul that many have suggested. Rather, he suggests, the majority of people understand their rights and obligations most of the time, with difficult cases occurring in circumstances that we can predict from understanding when our minds do not work in a lawlike way. Solan explains that these cases arise because of the gap between our inability to write crisp yet flexible laws on one hand and the ways in which our cognitive and linguistic faculties are structured on the other. Making our lives easier and more efficient, we’re predisposed to absorb new situations into categories we have previously formed—but in the legislative and judicial realms this can present major difficulties. Solan provides an excellent introduction to statutory interpretation, rejecting the extreme arguments that judges have either too much or too little leeway, and explaining how and why a certain number of interpretive problems are simply inevitable.

A leading expert on the administrative state describes the past, present, and future of the immensely consequential--and equally controversial--legal doctrine that has come to define how Congress's laws are applied by the executive branch. The Constitution makes Congress the principal federal lawmaker. But for a variety of reasons, including partisan gridlock, Congress increasingly fails to keep up with the challenges facing our society. Power has inevitably shifted to the executive branch agencies that interpret laws already on the books and to the courts that review the agencies' interpretations. Since the Supreme Court's 1984 decision in Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council, this judicial review has been highly deferential: courts must uphold agency interpretations of unclear laws as long as these interpretations are "reasonable." But the Chevron doctrine faces backlash from constitutional scholars and, now, from Supreme Court justices who insist that courts, not administrative agencies, have the authority to say what the law is. Critics of the administrative state also charge that Chevron deference enables unaccountable bureaucratic power. Thomas Merrill reviews the history and immense consequences of the Chevron doctrine and suggests a way forward. Recognizing that Congress cannot help relying on agencies to carry out laws, Merrill rejects the notion of discarding the administrative state. Instead, he focuses on what should be the proper relationship between agencies and courts in interpreting laws, given the strengths and weaknesses of these institutions. Courts are better at enforcing the rule of law and constitutional values; agencies have more policy expertise and receive more public input. And, unlike courts, agencies are subject to at least some political discipline. The best solution, Merrill suggests, is not of the either-or variety. Neither executive agencies nor courts alone should pick up the slack of our increasingly ineffectual legislature.