Kurdistan exists as a cultural and political concept on many levels of discourse. Despite Kurdistan's divisions, lack of definition and the absence of a unified struggle for a Kurdish state, the concept survives the reality as a powerful mixture of myths, reality and ambition. This thesis analyses geographical and historical factors, which have shaped Kurdish conceptions of their identity. Historically, Kurdistan existed in the heart of an ethnically and geographically complex region, a marginal buffer zone between rival regional and colonial powers. Kurdistan's location was the key to its political and cultural developments. Many resultant features were to militate against the formation of a Kurdish state.

This study presents a comprehensive, balanced and factually grounded narrative of the Turco-Greek Exchange of Populations as a historic event that has been the subject of much distortion in the historiographical traditions of nationalist lore in Greece and Turkey, as well as in scholarly publications of various sorts elsewhere over the span of the past eighty years. Diplomacy and Displacement contributes to the general literature on the Exchange by incorporating into the broader picture the Turkish dimension of the event, particularly the Turkish side of the decision-making process, and the episode of the Muslim refugees that have been left outside the scope of the research agenda, thereby, breaking up the established notion of the Exchange skewed towards the Greek side. It thus sheds doubt on the success paradigm attributed to this event. By adopting a people-centered approach to the Lausanne Treaty and its consequences, the book offers a critique of official versions of the story and encourages people to consider policy decisions together with their huge and often devastating implications for the lives of ordinary people.

Legislation Authority addresses issues of law, state violence, and state authority within the Ottoman and Turkish context.

Folklore has been a phenomenon based on nostalgic and autochthonous nuances conveyed with a story-telling technique with a penchant for over-playing and nationalistic pomp and circumstance, often with significant consequences for societal, poetic, and cultural areas. These papers highlight challenges that have an outreaching relationship to the regional, rhetorical, and trans-rhetorical devices and manners in Kurdish folklore, which subscribes to an ironic sense of hope all the while issuing an appeal for a largely unaccomplished nationhood, simultaneously insisting on a linguistic solidarity. In a folkloric literature that has an overarching theory of poetics – perhaps even trans-figurative cognitive poetics due to the multi-faceted nature of its application and the complexity of its linguistic structure – the relationship of man (and less frequently woman) with others takes center stage in many of the folkloric creations. Arts are not figurative representations of the real in the Kurdish world; they are the real.

A major common misconception in scholarship on Kurdish journalistic discourses is that Kurdish intellectuals of the late Ottoman period cannot be portrayed as Kurdish nationalists. This theory prevails because of the belief that they not only endorsed and promoted Pan-Islamism and Ottoman nationalism instead of Kurdish ethnic nationalism, but also because they allegedly eschewed political demands and instead concerned themselves with ethno-cultural issues to articulate forms of “Kurdism” rather than “Kurdish nationalism.” Refuting this underlying misconstruction of the nexus between Pan-Islamism, Ottomanism, and Kurdish nationalism, this book argues, based on empirical findings, that the Kurdish periodicals of the late Ottoman period served as a communicative space in which Kurdish intellectuals negotiated and disseminated an unmistakable form of Kurdish nationalism. It claims that hegemonic Ottomanist and Pan-Islamist political thought were used in pragmatic ways in the service of burgeoning Kurdish nationalism, but were rejected altogether when they were no longer useful to fostering Kurdish nationalism.

This book explores a common but almost forgotten historical argument that positions the Kurds as powerless victims of the First World War (WW1). To this end, the book looks critically at the unfavourable political situations of the Kurds in the post-WW1 era, which began with the emergence of three new modern nation-states in the Middle East—Turkey, Iraq, and Syria—as well as related modernising events in Iran. It demonstrates the dire consequences of oppressive international and regional state policies against the Kurds, which led to mass displacement and forced migration of the Kurds from the 1920s on. The first part of the book sets out the context required to explain the historic and systematic sociopolitical marginalisation of the Kurds in the Middle Eastern region until the present day. In the second part, the book attempts to explain the formation of Kurdish diaspora communities in different European cities, and to describe their new and positive shifting position from victims in the Middle East to active citizens in Europe. This book examines Kurdish diaspora integration and identity in some major cities in Sweden, Finland and Germany, with a specific focus and an in-depth discussion on the negotiation of multiculturalism in London. This book uncovers the gaps in the existing literature, and critically highlights the dominance of policy- and politics-driven research in this field, thereby justifying the need for a more radical social constructivist approach by recognising flexible, multifaceted, and complex human cultural behaviours in different situations through the consideration of the lived experiences and by presenting more direct voices of members of the Kurdish diaspora in London, and by articulating the new and radical concept of Kurdish Londoner.

Turkey has faced, in the last two decades, a number of critical events, like wars, conflicts and frictions in the Balkans, the Caucasus, and the Middle East, that have represented a huge challenge for its foreign policy and civil and economic interventions. Turkish multi-directionality and multidimensionality have been tested by these occurrences, demonstrating that what some scholars and experts had defined as a “model” contained failures as well as success. This book examines these dynamics through case studies of the humanitarian, cultural, economic and political dimensions of Turkey’s role in a diffuse neighbourhood, in which the country has tried to exert its power in recent decades. Starting from the questions that the Cold War and the arrival of the AKP in government have opened for Ankara, the volume illustrates two of the most important sides of the Turkish strategic repositioning in the international system. The first part is focused on the main humanitarian and political struggles in contemporary Turkish society, while the second explores the main fault-lines in Turkey’s regional policy and the development of the country’s foreign policy. As such, the book represents a valuable resource for both graduate and undergraduate students, academics and researchers in the areas of Turkish studies, foreign policy, regional politics, Middle Eastern studies, security, political economy and European studies as well as for the general public.