We are Trading Away Our Future and most economists have been caught with their heads in the sand. They think that the trade deficits are the result of free market forces. But the trade deficits are caused by foreign government currency manipulations and the foolish subsidies that the US tax system gives to foreign savings. The American People know that something is wrong. They know that the Chinese and Japanese governments manipulate their currencies to steal American industries. They are intrigued by Governor Huckabee's endorsement of the Fair Tax, a proposal that would abolish the IRS, renew American investment, Strengthen the dollar, and help solve the trade deficits. If nothing is done, then resolutely nondemocratic China will replace the United States as the world's premier power. In this book the Richmans explain solutions that are within our grasp. It is not yet too late!

"The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic marks the most significant, singular global disruption since World War II, with health, economic, political, and security implications that will ripple for years to come." -Global Trends 2040 (2021) Global Trends 2040-A More Contested World (2021), released by the US National Intelligence Council, is the latest report in its series of reports starting in 1997 about megatrends and the world's future. This report, strongly influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic, paints a bleak picture of the future and describes a contested, fragmented and turbulent world. It specifically discusses the four main trends that will shape tomorrow's world: - Demographics-by 2040, 1.4 billion people will be added mostly in Africa and South Asia. - Economics-increased government debt and concentrated economic power will escalate problems for the poor and middleclass. - Climate-a hotter world will increase water, food, and health insecurity. - Technology-the emergence of new technologies could both solve and cause problems for human life. Students of trends, policymakers, entrepreneurs, academics, journalists and anyone eager for a glimpse into the next decades, will find this report, with colored graphs, essential reading.

'Imad Moosa reminds us that there are at least two sides to a relationship – including those in trade – and that failure of a relationship is rarely due to one side alone. Moosa handles the technicalities of exchange rates dexterously but reminds us constantly of the wider context of the trade relationships that determine them.' – Paul Rule, La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia Dealing with a topic that has attracted significant media attention, this highly accessible book provides a detailed analysis of the trade dispute between China and the US. While the Americans accuse China of damaging their economy, the Chinese claim their policies are legitimate and that the US has no right to dictate how the Chinese economy should be run. Imad Moosa addresses contentious issues including: whether the Chinese currency is undervalued, whether the undervaluation of the yuan, should it exist, is the cause of the US trade deficit with China (hence revaluation being a justifiable cure) and whether Chinese economic policies are immoral and illegal according to IMF and WTO rules. This challenging and thought provoking book will prove a stimulating read for academics, researchers, students and policymakers with an interest in international economics, international finance, political economy and Asian studies.

How should a principled nation which believes in the benefits of mutually beneficial trade respond to the predations of mercantilist trading partners and imbalanced trade? Many argue that the response should be to do little or nothing. Balanced Trade argues that achieving the full benefits of international trade requires an effective response. Although trade deficits provide short-term gains in consumption, these are combined with long-term losses in consumption, innovation, investment, employment and power. Furthermore, market mechanisms do not correct trade imbalances that result from mercantilism, nor do they compensate for the long term shift in production and consumption towards the mercantilist. Balancing trade can make important short run and long run contributions to economic stability and prosperity. In America today, despite the growing evidence that imbalanced free trade is not working, many American economists remain adamant in their promotion of free trade. They are also quick to label actions taken to balance trade as protectionism. The political system has also failed to effectively address the problem of imbalanced trade, and the Federal Reserve has often exacerbated rather than addressed the challenge. We show that the classical economic arguments against mercantilism do not justify doing nothing. Effectively responding to imbalanced trade and mercantilism requires careful selection of strategy in order to achieve multiple objectives: balancing trade while maintaining the benefits of international trade, avoiding unnecessary inefficiencies, and maintaining compliance with international law. One of the best options is the Scaled Tariff. By targeting countries with which the United States has a large current account deficit, the Scaled Tariff would efficiently, legally, and effectively balance trade. It would be applied to all imported goods from trade surplus countries that have had a sizable trade surplus with the United States over the most recent four economic quarters.The tariff rate would be designed to take in a portion (e.g. 50%) of the bilateral trade deficit (goods plus services) as revenue. No particular product is protected; the scaled tariff simply changes the terms of trade between the two countries, much as currency devaluation would change the terms of trade with all countries.

By focusing on the wider process of negotiations, this novel volume presents the first systematic analysis of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The authors include outstanding scholars and relevant practitioners from across disciplines and various academic institutions around Europe and North America, but also from outside of the transatlantic basin. While presenting a thorough examination of the process of TTIP negotiations, the volume is divided into four parts with each part examining a broader theme and offering three or four shorter exploratory chapters that are accessible to academics, students, policy-makers and a wider audience. The volume explores historical and theoretical aspects of TTIP (with chapters by Gamble, Keohane and Morse, Telò), the beginnings of the TTIP talks and the role of individual actors (Mayer, Novotná, Dür and Lechner, Strange), TTIP’s possible knock-on effects and consequences for third parties (Aggarwal and Evenett, Duchesne and Ouellet, Zhang, Ponjaert) as well as impact on multilateral institutions and regimes complexes (Mavroidis, Mortensen, Meunier and Morin, Pauwelyn). The authors highlight dynamics which underline the relationship between the United States and the European Union and argue that TTIP promises to have vast implications not just for economics but global governance and international system.