Socialist Models of Development covers the theories and principles in socialism development. This book discusses the social evolution of different countries and the historical backgrounds that influence such evolution. The opening sections deal with the socialism and economic appraisal of Burma, Iraq, Syria, Tanzania, and Africa. These topics are followed by discussions of the prospects and problems of the transition from Agrarianism to Socialism of some countries, including Angola, Guinea-Bissau, and Mozambique. Other sections examine the Socialist Cuba and the intermediate regimes of Jamaica and Guyana. The North Korean model of socialism, a comparative study of Romanian socialism and Greece capitalism, as well as a socialist model of economic development of the Polish and Bulgarian are presented. The concluding sections are devoted to the role of management in socialist development and to the agricultural productivity under socialism. The book can provide useful information to sociologists, political analysts, students, and researchers.

The "Yellow Book" is the annual fruit of research conducted by the World Socialism Research Center attached to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, which is a selection of cutting-edge and representative research articles dealing with the issues of world socialism. following up the newest developments, changes and transformations of our era, the global predicament resulting from the still ongoing financial crisis of 2007, the resistance of the world's peoples from various countries to an ever-growing burden of the crisis of capitalism including outstanding events such as the "Occupy Wall Street" movement. It brings together Marxist thinkers from all over the world for a common discussion and exchange of ideas and experiences. HIGHLIGHTS During Southern Talks, Deng Xiaoping proposed the policy of avoiding quarrels, was it right or wrong? The policy was proposed regarding some concrete measures of reform and opening up in order to win time, we should not miss opportunities by indulging into debates. It didn't mean we ignore ideological issues, whether to take the socialist path or the capitalist one. It was in line with the law of cognition, in line with the Marxist viewpoint of "practice comes first" and conformed to our past experiences. -- Zhu Jiamu, Vice President of the CASS opponents are particularly fond of the myth that the Communist victory would provoke a civil war in Russia. We are ending this lie. CPRF's ultimate goal is a peaceful and stable development of Russia and return of people's wealth back to people. With our rule, the country will get rid of the destructive rule of the "wild" market. We will restore the state regulation of economic life, its core planning, industrial and agricultural policy. Privatization and the so-called "reform" destroyed more than two thirds of the country's industrial potential. It's time to rectify the situation." -- Ouyang Xiangying, Institute of World Economics and Politics, CASS Venezuela became the vanguard of the socialist forces in the Southern hemisphere. Venezuela's exploration of socialism may not tally with the traditional definition of socialism and socialism building, but we should say that there can be no fixed model for socialism and socialism building, And such new explorations do not only enhance the vitality and enrichment of the world socialism, but also expands the influence of Marxism in the world, innovates and develops Marxism. -- Zhu Jidong, Director of World Socialism Research Center, CASS The Japanese Communist Party put forward a new demand to fight against the deregulation of the labor market: to fight against the increasing poverty in the working class. Chairman Shii claimed that "poverty comes from broken rules for decent work, we should be able to impose social regulations in order to curb large corporations' craze for profit. Consequently, the JCP advocated and demanded the "regulated economy versus capitalism without rules." -- Zheng Ping, Associate researcher in the Marxism Research Institute, CASS Ideological confusion and changes since Khrushchev have been the precursor of reverse "evolution" of Soviet Union with negation of the history of the CPSU and the socialist practices of the SU was the core agenda. Hostile forces can only restore capitalism through paralyzing the ruling communist party and grabbing state power, this is only possible if the communist party is in an ideological disorder and poorly organized. Some people argue that Gorbachev's ideas saw a gradual change in the course of time, his gradual style regarding ideological issues was a kind of trick, he has always been consistent in his final goal. -- Zhou Xincheng, Invited Researcher, World Socialism Research Center, CASS

To understand the dramatic collapse of the socialist order and the current turmoil in the formerly communist world, this comprehensive work examines the most important common properties of all socialist societies. JNBnos Kornai brings a life-long study of the problems of the socialist system to his explanation of why inherent attributes of socialism inevitably produced in-efficiency. In his past work he has focused on the economic sphere, maintaining consistently that the weak economic performance of socialist countries resulted from the system itself, not from the personalities of top leaders or mistakes made by leading organizations and planners. This book synthesizes themes from his earlier investigations, while broadening the discussion to include the role of the political power structure and of communist ideology. Kornai distinguishes between two types, or historical phases, of socialism. The "classical socialism" of Stalin, Mao, and their followers is totalitarian and brutally repressive, but its components fit together and make up a coherent edifice. Associated with names like Tito, KNBdar, Deng-Xiaoping, and Gorbachev, "reform socialism" relaxes repression, but brings about a sharpening of inner contradictions and the eventual dissolution of the system. Kornai examines the classical system in the first half of the book, and moves on to explore the complex process of reform in the second half. The Socialist System is addressed to economists in the first place, but also to political scientists, sociologists, and historians. In addition, it will appeal to policymakers, business analysts, and government officials who need to understand either formerly or presently communist countries.

Socialism is the watchword and the catchword of our day. The socialist idea dominates the modem spirit. The masses approve of it. It expresses the thoughts and feelings of all; it has set its seal upon our time. When history comes to tell our story it will write above the chapter “The Epoch of Socialism.” As yet, it is true, Socialism has not created a society which can be said to represent its ideal. But for more than a generation the policies of civilized nations have been directed towards nothing less than a gradual realization of Socialism.17 In recent years the movement has grown noticeably in vigour and tenacity. Some nations have sought to achieve Socialism, in its fullest sense, at a single stroke. Before our eyes Russian Bolshevism has already accomplished something which, whatever we believe to be its significance, must by the very magnitude of its design be regarded as one of the most remarkable achievements known to world history. Elsewhere no one has yet achieved so much. But with other peoples only the inner contradictions of Socialism itself and the fact that it cannot be completely realized have frustrated socialist triumph. They also have gone as far as they could under the given circumstances. Opposition in principle to Socialism there is none. Today no influential party would dare openly to advocate Private Property in the Means of Production. The word “Capitalism” expresses, for our age, the sum of all evil. Even the opponents of Socialism are dominated by socialist ideas. In seeking to combat Socialism from the standpoint of their special class interest these opponents—the parties which particularly call themselves “bourgeois” or “peasant”—admit indirectly the validity of all the essentials of socialist thought. For if it is only possible to argue against the socialist programme that it endangers the particular interests of one part of humanity, one has really affirmed Socialism. If one complains that the system of economic and social organization which is based on private property in the means of production does not sufficiently consider the interests of the community, that it serves only the purposes of single strata, and that it limits productivity; and if therefore one demands with the supporters of the various “social-political” and “social-reform” movements, state interference in all fields of economic life, then one has fundamentally accepted the principle of the socialist programme. Or again, if one can only argue against socialism that the imperfections of human nature make its realization impossible, or that it is inexpedient under existing economic conditions to proceed at once to socialization, then one merely confesses that one has capitulated to socialist ideas. The nationalist, too, affirms socialism, and objects only to its Internationalism. He wishes to combine Socialism with the ideas of Imperialism and the struggle against foreign nations. He is a national, not an international socialist; but he, also, approves of the essential principles of Socialism.

Why socialism has failed to play a significant role in the United States - the most developed capitalist industrial society and hence, ostensibly, fertile ground for socialism - has been a critical question of American history and political development. This study surveys the various explanations for this phenomenon of American political exceptionalism.