The Weimar Moment’s evocative assault on closure and political reaction, its offering of democracy against the politics of narrow self-interest cloaked in nationalist appeals to Volk and “community” – or, as would be the case in Nazi Germany, “race” – cannot but appeal to us today. This appeal –its historical grounding and content, its complexities and tensions, its variegated expressions across the networks of power and thought – is the essential context of the present volume, whose basic premise is unhappiness with Hegel’s remark that we learn no more from history than we cannot learn from it. The challenge of the papers in this volume is to provide the material to confront the present effectively drawing from what we can and do understand.

"Weimar Centennial edition with a new preface by the author."--Title page.

Germany of the 1920s offers a stunning moment in modernity, a time when surface values first became determinants of taste, activity, and occupation: modernity was still modern, spectacle was still spectacular. Janet Ward's luminous study revisits Weimar Germany via the lens of metropolitan visual culture, analyzing the power that 1920s Germany holds for today's visual codes of consumerism.

Reproduces (translated into English) contemporary documents or writings with an introduction to each section.

About half of Kolb's compact book is devoted to a "Historical Survey," chronologically divided at the conventional watersheds of 1923-24 and 1929-30. A briefer second part, a historiographical essay in seven topical chapters, is followed by a seven-page chronology, a 676-item classified and topical bibliography, and an index. The bibliography, updated to February 1987, includes some English-language titles not in the original German edition, and is a list of tremendous value. Frequent references to individual entries (as well as to some works not found there) tie the bibliography to the historiographical essay, which is characterized by fair and judicious appraisal of interpretations of the period, even when Kolb clearly disagrees. There is a chapter on the revolution of 1918 and its aftermath in the first section, and one on art and mass culture in the second; each section of the survey also has one chapter focusing on foreign policy, and one on domestic developments.

In addition to revising our view of the interwar period and the building of European democracies, this book cuts against the grain of most current theorizing in political science by explicitly discussing when and how ideas influence political behavior. Even though German and Swedish Social Democrats belonged to the same transnational political movement and faced similar political and social conditions in their respective countries before and after World War I, they responded very differently to the challenges of democratization and the Great Depression--with crucial consequences for the fates of their countries and the world at large. Explaining why these two social democratic parties acted so differently is the primary task of this book. Berman's answer is that they had very different ideas about politics and economics--what she calls their programmatic beliefs. The Swedish Social Democrats placed themselves at the forefront of the drive for democratization; a decade later they responded to the Depression with a bold new economic program and used it to build a long period of political hegemony. The German Social Democrats, on the other hand, had democracy thrust upon them and then dithered when faced with economic crisis; their haplessness cleared the way for a bolder and more skillful political actor--Adolf Hitler. This provocative book will be of interest to anyone concerned with twentieth-century European history, the transition to democracy problem, or the role of ideas in politics.