This volume aims to explain the mechanisms for the “epidemic-like” rise in homicide rates São Paulo, Brazil during the late 20th century as well as their sharp decrease after 2000. The homicide rates increased 900 percent from 1960s-2000, and then dropped relatively quickly to 1970s levels over the next decade. While the author finds the Brazilian military government and rise of para-military police forces to be a major factor in the rise of homicide rates in Brazil, research on violent crime trends has demonstrated that it is generally due to the intersection of many factors (for example changes in policing, social or political structures, availability of weapons, economic influences) rather than a single cause. This work integrates individual, neighborhood, and structural dynamics at play in both the rise and drop in homicide rates, and provides a framework for understanding similar phenomena in other regions, particularly in the developing world. This book will be of interest to researchers in criminology and criminal justice, as well as political science, and international relations, particularly with an interest in South America. The methodology includes both qualitative and quantitative analysis.

As Charles Frazier's novel Cold Mountain dramatized, dissenters from the Confederacy lived in mortal danger across the South. In scattered pockets from the Carolinas to the frontier in Texas, some men clung to a belief in the Union or an unwillingness to preserve the slaveholding Confederacy, and they died at the hands of their own neighbors. Brush Men and Vigilantes tells the story of how dissent, fear, and economics developed into mob violence in a corner of Texas--the Sulphur Forks river valley northeast of Dallas. Authors David Pickering and Judy Falls have combed through court records, newspapers, letters, and other primary sources and collected extended-family lore to relate the details of how vigilantes captured and killed more than a dozen men. The authors' story begins before the Civil War, as they describe the particular social and economic conditions that gave rise to tension and violence during the war. Unlike most other parts of Texas, the Sulphur Forks river valley had a significant population of Upper Southerners, some of whom spoke out against secession, objected to enlisting in the Confederate army, or associated with "Union men." For some of them, safety meant disappearing into the tangled brush thickets of the region. Routed from the thicket or gone to ground there, dissenters faced death. Betrayed by links to a well-known Union guerrilla from the Sulphur Forks area, more men of the area were captured, tried in mock courts, and hanged. Other men met their death by sniper fire or private execution, as in the case of brush man Frank Chamblee, who for years eluded his enemies by clever tricks but was finally gunned down after the war, reportedly by one of the area's most prominent men. Anyone with an interest in the new history of the Civil War or Texas should find much to digest in this compelling book, whose authors Richard B. McCaslin congratulates for taking their place "in the ranks of Texas' literary reconstructionists."

“This isn’t a story about black people—it’s a story about the Left’s agenda to patronize blacks and lie to everyone else.” For decades, the Left has been putting on a play with themselves as heroes in an ongoing civil rights move­ment—which they were mostly absent from at the time. Long after pervasive racial discrimination ended, they kept pretending America was being run by the Klan and that liberals were black America’s only protectors. It took the O. J. Simpson verdict—the race-based acquittal of a spectacularly guilty black celebrity as blacks across America erupted in cheers—to shut down the white guilt bank. But now, fewer than two decades later, our “pos­tracial” president has returned us to the pre-OJ era of nonstop racial posturing. A half-black, half-white Democrat, not descended from American slaves, has brought racial unrest back with a whoop. The Obama candidacy allowed liberals to engage in self-righteousness about race and get a hard-core Leftie in the White House at the same time. In 2008, we were told the only way for the nation to move past race was to elect him as president. And 53 percent of voters fell for it. Now, Ann Coulter fearlessly explains the real his­tory of race relations in this country, including how white liberals twist that history to spring the guilty, accuse the innocent, and engender racial hatreds, all in order to win politically. You’ll learn, for instance, how A U.S. congressman and a New York mayor con­spired to protect cop killers who ambushed four police officers in the Rev. Louis Farrakhan’s mosque. The entire Democratic elite, up to the Carter White House, coddled a black cult in San Francisco as hun­dreds of the cult members marched to their deaths in Guyana. New York City became a maelstrom of racial hatred, with black neighborhoods abandoned to crimi­nals who were ferociously defended by a press that assessed guilt on the basis of race. Preposterous hoax hate crimes were always believed, never questioned. And when they turned out to be frauds the stories would simply disappear from the news. Liberals quickly switched the focus of civil rights laws from the heirs of slavery and Jim Crow to white feminists, illegal immigrants, and gays. Subway vigilante Bernhard Goetz was surprisingly popular in black neighborhoods, despite hysterical denunciations of him by the New York Times. Liberals slander Republicans by endlessly repeating a bizarro-world history in which Democrats defended black America and Republicans appealed to segregationists. The truth has always been exactly the opposite. Going where few authors would dare, Coulter explores the racial demagoguery that has mugged America since the early seventies. She shines the light of truth on cases ranging from Tawana Brawley, Lemrick Nelson, and Howard Beach, NY, to the LA riots and the Duke lacrosse scandal. And she shows how the 2012 Obama campaign is going to inspire the greatest racial guilt mongering of all time.

Both brawls and elaborate martial arts have kept movie audiences on the edges of their seats since cinema began. But the filming of fight scenes has changed significantly through the years--mainly for the safety of the combatants--from improvised scuffles in the Silent Era to exquisitely choreographed and edited sequences involving actors, stuntmen and technical experts. Camera angles prevented many a broken nose. Examining more than 300 films--from The Spoilers (1914) to Road House (1989)--the author provides behind-the-scenes details on memorable melees starring such iconic tough-guys as John Wayne, Randolph Scott, Robert Mitchum, Lee Marvin, Charles Bronson, Clint Eastwood, Bruce Lee, Chuck Norris and Jackie Chan.

Spinning off from the classic NEW TEEN TITANS! As a district attorney for New York City, Adrian Chase used the legal system to keep the streets safe. But when it came to protecting his own family, that system failed him. After losing his wife and children in a failed assassination attempt, Chase makes the fateful decision to take justice into his own hands! Concealed beneath a featureless mask and supported by an arsenal of custom weaponry, Adrian Chase becomes the Vigilante-and declares all-out war on criminals, using their own brutal methods against them. But Chase’s new vocation comes with a price. Can inflicting violence on others truly heal the pain of his family’s death? Or is the Vigilante doomed to become the final casualty of his all-consuming need for revenge? DC Comics proudly presents the definitive new edition of this iconic antihero’s earliest adventures, written by one of comics’ most acclaimed writers, Marv Wolfman, and illustrated by a host of the medium’s greatest artists! Spinning off from the legendary series THE NEW TEEN TITANS, VIGILANTE BY MARV WOLFMAN VOL. 1 collects THE NEW TEEN TITANS ANNUAL #2 and VIGILANTE #1-11.

Ronald Reagan's term in office was punctuated by four significant employments of military force: the deployment of Marines to Lebanon; the intervention in Grenada; the air strikes against Libya; and the deployment of naval forces to the Persian Gulf. In the aftermath of each of these military operations, critics questioned the constitutional basis for such unilateral presidential war-making, arguing that Congress alone is empowered to declare war. Debates over whether the President failed to comply with the statutory requirements of the War Powers Resolution further complicated these constitutional disagreements. In The Reagan Wars, David Hall seeks to overcome a key source of confusion in these heated debates—the failure to distinguish between the wisdom of Reagan's actions and their legality. He demonstrates that the circumstances under which the Constitution permits unilateral presidential war-making were present when President Reagan waged war between 1980 and 1988. Hall first considers the thinking of the Constitution's Framers on the question of war powers and the subsequent two hundred years of judicial interpretation regarding the proper balance between congressional and presidential authority to make war. In light of this historical background, he then closely examines the facts and the legal circumstances of each of the four "Reagan wars." Hall's thought-provoking conclusions deserve the attention of anyone interested in the role of the Constitution in U.S. foreign policy-making.