The real strengths of TS & A P revealed after demerger The demerger of the united Andhra Pradesh was a long drawn political imbroglio. The merger was not rcommended by SRC and Telangana people did not want it. Andhra state becoming unviable after their peremptory separation from Madras state in 1953 had merged with the well to do Telangana in 1956 with the help of central government,with some guarantees to Telangana. Then with their majority, they usurped all the political power to make use of Telangana revenue and its other resources . For, Andhra region revenue income was always less than its expenditure. To make good their deficit, Telangana revenue was used perennially, making less expenditure in Telangana than its due. Congress though conceded Telangana state under duress, has granted several sops to Andhra, as if it was the sufferer. Poor Telangana which was the victim of exploitation was to satisfy with its bare minimum state. Yet, residual A P has lamented with victimhood, injustice and developing Telangana with their own resources etc. Andhra had deficit from 1953 to 1956. It has a balanced budget in the united state from 1956 to 2014, as it was made good with the siphoning of revenue from Telangana. In 2014-15,immediately after demerger,it has registered a big deficit of around Rs.12000 cr exposing its legacy of inherent economic weakness. A P also has got about Rs. 52000 cr deficit grant from two Financial Cmmissions from 2015 to 2026 .Yet the A P finances continued to be precarious year after year. Telangana using its suppressed economic strength surged ahead climbing to the top rung of the economic status of the states in India. Andhra, using Telangna revenue neglected increasing its State Own Tax Revenue (SOTR), is now exposed of its concealed economic weakness. A P has a SOTR of about 50 % in its total revenues, while TS has more than70 %, as against 46% of national average.That reveals the real economic strength of both the states after the demerger. It amply vindicates Telangana claims and proves wrong the false premises of Andhra.

From Popular Movements to Rebellion: The Naxalite Decade argues that without an understanding of the popular sources of the rebellion of that time, the age of the Naxalite revolt will remain beyond our understanding. Many of the chapters of the book bring out for the first time unknown peasant heroes and heroines of that era, analyses the nature of the urban revolt, and shows how the urban revolt of that time anticipated street protests and occupy movements that were to shake the world forty-fifty years later. This is a moving and poignant book. Some of the essays are deeply reflective about why the movement failed and was at the end alienated. Ranabir Samaddar says that, the Naxalite Movement has been denied a history. The book also carries six powerful short stories written during the Naxalite Decade and which are palpably true to life of the times. The book has some rare photographs and ends with newspaper clippings from the period. As a study of rebellious politics in post-Independent India, this volume with its focus on West Bengal and Bihar will stand out as an exceptional history of contemporary times. From Popular Movements to Rebellion: The Naxalite Decade will be of enormous relevance to students and scholars of history, politics, sociology and culture, and journalists and political and social activists at large. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka

The essays in this book compare and analyze political processes in eight states within the Indian Union. A long introductory chapter by Myron Weiner sets the stage for individual studies of each state by separate scholars, namely: Myron Weiner (MIT) on Political Development in the Indian States; Paul H. Brass (University of Washington) on Uttar Pradesh; Wayne Wilcox (Columbia University) on Madhya Pradesh; Ram Joshi ( S.I.E.S. College, Bombay) on Maharashtra; Balraj Puri (Editor, Kashmir Affairs) on Jammu and Kashmir Marcus F. Franda (Colgate University) on West Bengal; Lawrence L. Shrader (Mills College ) on Rajasthan; Hugh Gray (University of London) on Andhra Pradesh; and Baldev Raj Nayar (McGill University) on Punjab. Originally published in 1968. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

While previous reports have focused solely on the ‘big’ issues like capital account convertibility, bank privatization, and priority sector norms, A Hundred Small Steps: Report of the Committee on Financial Sector Reforms goes deep into other areas where reforms are less controversial, but perhaps as important. The report argues that we need a change in mindset for the financial sector, one that recognizes that efficiency, innovation, and value for money are as important for the poor as they are for our new Indian multinationals, and these will come from improved governance, new entry and competition. Indeed the Committee believes that the road to making Mumbai an international financial centre runs through every village in India. The report is divided into separate self-contained chapters; the underlying theme behind all the proposals is the need to enhance inclusion, growth, and stability by allowing players more freedom, even while strengthening the financial and regulatory infrastructure. The role of the government is to create an enabling environment by building sound financial infrastructure. The Committee has focused primarily on broad principles and directions, without entering too much into details of implementation. It emphasizes three important reasons for financial sector reform: to include more Indians in the growth process; to foster growth itself; and to improve financial stability, flexibility, and resilience and thus protect the economy against the kind of turbulence that is affecting the world today. The Committee recognizes this is a difficult time to propose financial sector reforms in India. The near meltdown of the US financial sector seems to be proof that markets and competition do not work. This is clearly the wrong lesson to take from the debacle. The right lesson is that markets and institutions do succumb occasionally to excesses, which is why regulators have to be vigilant. The report argues for skilled regulators who encourage growth and innovation even while working harder to contain risks.

Memoir of one of India's most prominent businessmen The pioneer who gate-crashed his way to the top Subhash Chandra, the promoter of Essel/ Zee Group, is an unlikely mogul. Hailing from a small town in Haryana, where his family ran grain mills, Chandra has been a perennial outsider, repeatedly aiming high and breaking into businesses where he was considered an interloper. Starting work as a teen to pay off family debts, Chandra had to rely on bluff, gumption and sheer hard toil to turn things around. A little bit of luck and political patronage saw him make a fortune in rice exports to the erstwhile USSR. Always a risk-taker, Chandra then had the vision of getting into broadcasting early, even as established media players failed to see its potential. His Zee TV, India's first private Indian TV channel, changed the rules of the game and tickled the fancy of a public starved of entertainment. Several gutsy initiatives followed, though not all of them were successful. Chandra's attempts to launch satellite telephony and a cricket league came a cropper. But the man continues to reinvent himself; he is now also focusing on infrastructure and smart cities. This is an unusually candid memoir of a truly desi self-made businessman who came to Delhi at age twenty with seventeen rupees in his pocket. Today, he has a net worth of $6.3 billion and annual group revenues of about $3 billion.

This synoptic essay considers the nature and evolution of the Marxist theory that developed in Western Europe, after the defeat of the proletarian rebellions in the West and the isolation of the Russian Revolution in the East in the early 1920s. It focuses particularly on the work of Lukcs, Korsch and Gramsci; Adorno, Marcuse and Benjamin; Sartre and Althusser; and Della Volpe and Colletti, together with other figures within Western Marxism from 1920 to 1975. The theoretical production of each of these thinkers is related simultaneously to the practical fate of working-class struggles and to the cultural mutations of bourgeois thought in their time. The philosophical antecedents of the various school within this tradition - Lukcsian, Gramscian, Frankfurt, Sartrean, Althusserian and Della Volpean - are compared, and the specific innovations of their respective systems surveyed. The structural unity of 'Western Marxism', beyond the diversity of its individual thinkers, is then assessed, in a balance-sheet that contrasts its heritage with the tradition of 'classical' Marxism that preceded it, and with the commanding problems which will confront any historical materialism to succeed it.

Everywhere, as the author states, capitalism is triumphant and Marxism seems irrelevant. Yet, not that long ago, many had thought that capitalism would collapse, owing to its own inherent contradictions, and be replaced by a just and egalitarian world order, following the ideals of Marxism. Anuradha Roy argues that it is important to understand this failure at the very roots, which were responsible for a huge gap between Marxisms promise and practice, leading to its downfall. A communist party, the CPI (M) had been elected in Bengal and ruled for 34 years until it came to an abrupt end in 2011, now on its way to disappearing from the public space all over India. Yet India has much poverty and deprivation still; remaining fertile ground for ideas of equality and social justice. This book, on Marxian thought in Bengal rather than a history of the Marxist movement, discusses the different shades of Bengal Marxism, also including oppositional views. The Marxists believed that the revolution would take place in the realm of culture, narrowly defined, creating an unbridgeable distance from the masses. Many of the sources have been taken from well-known Bengali journals, not available in English, earlier. Roy points out that it was the non-Marxist intellectuals who did justice to Marxism by acknowledging its possibilities and questioning its inadequacies. The author discusses how many scholars have reinvented Marxism as a modifier to disciplines like literature, history, sociology and political science, often combining Marxism with postmodernism. Roy argues that if we think of Marxism as a tradition, not as a doctrine offering an all-embracing explanation of the past and the present and capable of predicting the future, we shall derive much valuable inspiration from it.