This volume, the first of a three-part documentary of the Guyana-Venezuela border issue, gives a general overview of the early history of the colonization of the Essequibo region forming the large western part of Guyana. It presents the background to the origin of the territorial dispute which developed from 1840 and examines the opposing views of proposed boundary lines and the long trail of diplomatic exchanges between Venezuela and Great Britain (the colonial ruler of Guyana, then known as British Guiana). It concludes with the involvement of the United States in support of Venezuela, eventually leading to the international arbitration for a "full, perfect, and final settlement" and the arbitral award which delineated the territorial boundary in 1899.

This volume, the second of a three-part documentary, continues the history of the Guyana-Venezuela border issue from where Volume One left off. It describes Venezuelas dissatisfaction over the territorial and boundary award issued in 1899 by the international arbitral tribunal, subsequently leading to that countrys government unilaterally declaring it in 1962 as being null and void. The volume goes on to examine the evolved political events, including the sporadic Venezuelan infringements of Guyanas territorial integrity and the pursuit of diplomacy by both countries, resulting eventually in 1966 to a formal agreement at Geneva aimed at seeking a practical settlement of the controversy arising from Venezuelas contention of the nullity of the arbitral award. A subsidiary protocol to suspend the search for a settlement was signed in Port of Spain in 1970, but the succeeding twelve-year period was characterized by a succession of bilateral political interplay, resulting in Venezuelas decision to terminate this pact in 1982.

When, in 1997, the International Atomic Energy Agency unanimously elected Mohamed ElBaradei as its next Director General, few observers could have forecast the dramatic role he would play over the next 12 years. Certainly, the stage onto which Dr. ElBaradei stepped - featuring Saddam Hussein's Iraq, Kim Jong-Il's North Korea, Muammar al-Gaddafi's Libya, and the Islamic Republic of Iran - gave ample opportunity for high-stakes and high-profile decision-making. But no one could have predicted that ElBaradei would be 'the man in the middle' of so many nuclear conflicts over so sustained a period of time. And after he and the IAEA were jointly awarded the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize, his role as middle-man only gained intensity.In The Age of Deception, Dr. ElBaradei gives us his account from the centre of the nuclear fray. Readers will sit at the dinner table with Iraqi officials in Baghdad, listening as they bleakly predict the coming war. They will eavesdrop on the exchanges between UN inspectors and U.S. officials observing the behind-the-scenes formulation of an approach to foreign policy and diplomacy that would come to characterise the Bush administration. We gain a feel for the difficulty of the IAEA inspectors' struggle to maintain objectivity when trust has been broken, or when the press - or governments - are playing fast and loose with the facts. The Age of Deception is a story of human imperfection, of modern society struggling to come to grips with the multiple dimensions of human insecurity.

No longer content to fade away into comfortable retirement, a growing number of former political leaders have pursued diplomatic afterlives. From Nelson Mandela to Jimmy Carter, and Bill Clinton, to Tony Blair and Mikhail Gorbachev, this set of highly-empowered individuals increasingly try to make a difference on the global stage by capitalizing on their free-lance celebrity status while at the same time building on their embedded ?club? attributes and connections. In this fascinating book, Andrew F. Cooper provides the first in-depth study of the motivations, methods, and contributions made by these former leaders as they take on new responsibilities beyond service to their national states. While this growing trend may be open to accusations of mixing public goods with private material gain, or personal quests to rehabilitate political image, it must ? he argues ? be taken seriously as a compelling indication of the political climate, in which powerful individuals can operate outside of established state structures. As Cooper ably shows, there are benefits to be reaped from this new normative entrepreneurism, but its range and impact nonetheless raise legitimate concerns about the privileging of unaccountable authority. Mixing big picture context and illustrative snapshots, Diplomatic Afterlives offers an illuminating analysis of the influence and the pitfalls of this highly visible but under-scrutinized phenomenon in world politics.

A vivid portrait of the Iroquois nation during colonial America offers insight into their formidable influence over regional politics, their active participation in period trade, and their neutral stance throughout the Anglo-French imperial wars. 15,000 first printing.

Traces the evolution of diplomatic immunity and analyzes the practice from ancient times to the present in Western and non-Western cultures. Privileges and immunities are placed in historical and cultural context, and the significance of domestic legislation and international conventions is discussed. The authors also study the influence of certain judicial decisions and their underlying rationales. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

This volume, the third of a three-part documentary, continues the history of the Guyana-Venezuela border issue from where Volume Two left off. It deals with the involvement of the office of the secretary general of United Nations ever since the termination of the Protocol of Port of Spain in 1982 in the efforts to settle the controversy. While this process did not make any progress as was anticipated, the two countries, despite some intermittent setbacks, maintained a generally cordial relationship that saw an advance in trade relations and political cooperation. The volume also examines the political and economic relations between Guyana and Venezuela since 1982 and the diplomatic activities they undertook to win international support for their respective positions. The authors own diplomatic involvement in the issue is also highlighted.