In this book the experiential history of the Soviet-style social transformation projects between 1945 and 1980 is discussed through the example of rural Hungary. The book interprets state socialism as a (modernization) project. Existing socialism was a form of dictatorship in which authorities sought to transform the mentalities of their subjects from the individual level to the global scale. This project depended on socio-economic homogenization; one important method of asserting state power was the transformation of property rights (land redistribution, collectivization). Communist modernization discriminated against the inhabitants of rural areas, who were the primary victims of collectivization and the discriminatory effects of the rules implemented by policymakers. The resulting radical changes in peasant lifestyles would become a source of social pathologies. However, not the authorities but contemporary scholars considered the social costs of these actions. The book aims at Weberian disenchantment and contributes to the deconstruction of the common image of Hungarian socialism, "the happiest barrack." The intended audience includes readers at the graduate level in the fields of history, political science, and anthropology, general readers interested in the history of communism. It is hoped that the research questions inspire new research for exploring convergent and divergent elements in social transformation in former communist countries.

This book examines Soviet agriculture in post-1945 Hungary. It demonstrates how the agrarian lobby, a development following the 1956 revolution, led to contact with the West which allowed for the creation of an effective agricultural system. The author argues that this ‘Hungarian agricultural miracle,’ a hybrid of American technology and Soviet structures, was fundamental to the success of Hungarian collectivization.

Traces the change in Hungarian antisemitism, from rural-urban tension before the Second World War to antagonism toward the communist leadership, which was primarily Jewish, during the first decade after 1944. Ch. 4 (pp. 100-107), "A Note on Communists and the Jewish Question, " distinguishes between the attitude of Jewish communist leaders, who denied their Jewish roots and often expressed antisemitic remarks themselves, and the extent of support of Hungarian Jews for the new communist regime.

This volume analyzes US policy toward communist-ruled Poland in the fields of diplomacy, economy, culture, and public diplomacy. It highlights the limitations in developing cooperation between democratic and nondemocratic countries resulting from the Cold War conflict. No comprehensive account of US policy toward Poland from 1956 to 1968 has emerged in historiography. This book aims to answer why, since the political changes of the Polish October 1956, Washington ceased to see Polish affairs as “Soviet-related matters.” Instead, it recognized communist-ruled Poland as a separate political entity among other Kremlin-dependent states in Eastern Europe. This policy, introduced by the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration, was continued by his successors John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson. Recently declassified US and Polish archival sources allow the presentation of more considerations around the decision-making mechanisms by presidential administrations regarding communist Poland after 1956. They also reveal the dependence of the implementation of US actions on the climate of international relations. Moreover, they can now explain how Poland became an “open window” toward the Soviet bloc and a model example of the changes in the US policy of diversifying its approach to Eastern European countries under Soviet control in the next decades.

Eric Roman is the first scholar to be granted access to the vast, heretofore closed, archive of documents relating to the communist era in Hungary. This archive included the files of the Hungarian Communist Party, the Social Democratic Party and the Hungarian Socialist Worker's Party, as well as minutes of political committee meetings, private correspondence, secret papers and confidential reports on special commissions within Hungary. Skilfully using all this material, Eric Roman weaves a fascinating portrait of Hungary in the post-war period. As the country began to reconstruct itself after the War, Roman shows the toll taken by poverty and racial discord. In what amounts to the only complete English-language account of Hungary's diplomatic policy, Hungary and the Victor Powers takes an in-depth look at Hungary's relationship with those countries nearest to it, especially the former Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union. Eric Roman's Hungary and the Victor Powers, 1945-1950 is a compelling work of history that is destined to be one of the most important books on the topic.

Two decades before the war against Ukraine, a “special operation” was launched against Russian historical memory, aggressively reshaping the nation’s understanding of its history and identity. The Kremlin’s militarization of Russia through World War II propaganda is well documented, but the glorification of Russian medieval society and its warlords as a source of support for Putinism has yet to be explored. This book offers the first comparison of Putin’s political neomedievalism and re-Stalinization and introduces the concept of mobmemory to the study of right-wing populism. It argues that the celebration of the oprichnina, Ivan the Terrible’s regime of state terror (1565–1572), has been fused with the rehabilitation of Stalinism to reconstruct the Russian Empire. The post-Soviet case suggests that the global obsession with the Middle Ages is not purely an aesthetic movement but a potential weapon against democracy. The book is intended for students, scholars, and non-specialists interested in understanding Russia’s anti-modern politics and the Russians’ support for the terror unleashed against Ukraine.

This book is a comprehensive study of more than 200 years of the shared and interconnected histories of Greek-Albanian relations, a field of inquiry that has not attracted the international scholarly attention it deserves. The book presents and analyses in detail topics including the contested borderland (1800–1912), the Greek Revolution (1821–1830) and Greek- Albanian entanglements during the Greek Revolution, Greek nationalism (identity and narrative), the Albanians (pre-modernism, belated nationalism, origin), the rise of Albanian nationalism, Albanian national identity and historical narrative, Greek-Albanian relations from the League of Prizren (1878) until Albania’s declaration of independence (1912), Greek irredentism (the "Northern Epirus Question", 1912–1920) and Albania’s precarious independence, Greek irredentism and Greek-Albanian relations (the "Northern Epirus Question", 1940–1971), the Greek minority in Albania, the Cham (Muslim Albanian) issue, the turbulent first part of the 1990s, the pending Greek-Albanian issues, and public opinion. It concludes with a road map for an eventual Albanian-Greek reconciliation. This volume will interest scholars and students of Southeastern Europe (Balkans), international relations and history, political science and sociology. It will also be a valuable resource for diplomats, journalists, think tanks and other organizations and institutions involved in the Balkans Greek-Albanian relations.