Could the British have stopped Manifest Destiny in its tracks in 1836? A Scottish doctor named James Grant was the agent who tried to make it happen, and Texas was the stage on which the secret battle was fought. On the eve of the Texas uprising, only two things stood in the way of American ambitions to reach the Pacific Ocean: the British claim to the Oregon country and the vast but sparsely populated Mexican province of Texas. Britain was therefore almost as concerned with the outcome of the Texians’ war as Mexico was. At a crucial point when Texians had to decide whether to seek rights within the Federal Republic of Mexico or to secede and ally with the United States, James Grant led a band of followers toward Mexico, with the intent of forming a state within that nation. His efforts met enduring accusations that he fatally weakened the Alamo by stripping it of men, ammunition, and medical supplies. When Grant was killed on the ill-fated Matamoros expedition, British hopes of blocking the upstart Americans died, too. Yet, despite his important role, Grant remains a shadowy and often sinister figure routinely condemned by historians and frequently dismissed out of hand as merely an unscrupulous land speculator. Drawing heavily on British sources, Reid tells the forgotten story of Dr. James Grant and the twelve-year-long secret war for Texas, from his involvement in the “silly quixotic” Fredonian Rebellion to the bloody battles along the Atascosita Road. The international scope of the story makes this far more than just another tale of the Texas Revolution.

The United States today is a divided nation and some say the country may be heading toward breakup, or possibly civil war. That has happened before and the result was disastrous. As many as 750,000 Americans perished during the Civil War. A study of the causes of our last Civil War may help to prevent another.The Knights of the Golden Circle (KGC) played a major role in starting the Civil War in the United States. Although intended to remain a secret organization of conspirators, it is perhaps the most well-documented conspiracy in United States history. The goal of the KGC was the creation of a new society separate from the United States dedicated to the preservation and expansion of slavery into Latin America.The KGC existed in almost every state in the Union, but nowhere was it as powerful and successful as it was in Texas. Several governors, many senators and military leaders were members, having taken an oath to support the organization and their fellow members. Most of the documents generated by the KGC were destroyed after the war ended as its members feared execution for treason. Not everything was destroyed, though. This book relies on documents created by the organization and its members that have not previously been used by researchers. Many members of this organization remained in positions of authority in state affairs after the abolition of slavery. This book goes far beyond previous published work in establishing the identities of the members of this organization who promoted and encouraged the most disastrous war in American history.Randolph W. Farmer is a native Texan from a family whose ancestors first came to Texas as early as 1817 when it was still a Spanish possession. He is the author of two previously published books on Texas history.

History has until now hidden how close the ambitions of these two men came to carving out a Mormon Kingdom of God in the Republic of Texas.".

To understand Serbian nationalism requires profound attention to history and careful analysis. Cohen accomplishes both through years of studying primary sources never before translated, focusing on World War II and uncovering the foundations of ethnic cleansing. He argues that the Serbs collaborated with the Nazis in contrast to later Serbian rhetoric that claimed the Serbs were victims, "the thirteenth tribe of Israel." This official duplicity veiled the true objectives of the government to create an ethnically pure homeland. Annotation copyright by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

Most histories of Civil War Texas—some starring the fabled Hood’s Brigade, Terry’s Texas Rangers, or one or another military figure—depict the Lone Star State as having joined the Confederacy as a matter of course and as having later emerged from the war relatively unscathed. Yet as the contributors to this volume amply demonstrate, the often neglected stories of Texas Unionists and dissenters paint a far more complicated picture. Ranging in time from the late 1850s to the end of Reconstruction, Lone Star Unionism, Dissent, and Resistance restores a missing layer of complexity to the history of Civil War Texas. The authors—all noted scholars of Texas and Civil War history—show that slaves, freedmen and freedwomen, Tejanos, German immigrants, and white women all took part in the struggle, even though some never found themselves on a battlefield. Their stories depict the Civil War as a conflict not only between North and South but also between neighbors, friends, and family members. By framing their stories in the analytical context of the “long Civil War,” Lone Star Unionism, Dissent, and Resistance reveals how friends and neighbors became enemies and how the resulting violence, often at the hands of secessionists, crossed racial and ethnic lines. The chapters also show how ex-Confederates and their descendants, as well as former slaves, sought to give historical meaning to their experiences and find their place as citizens of the newly re-formed nation. Concluding with an account of the origins of Juneteenth—the nationally celebrated holiday marking June 19, 1865, when emancipation was announced in Texas—Lone Star Unionism, Dissent, and Resistance challenges the collective historical memory of Civil War Texas and its place in both the Confederacy and the United States. It provides material for a fresh narrative, one including people on the margins of history and dispelling the myth of a monolithically Confederate Texas.

In late 1833 Mexico, fearing its north-eastern territory in Texas would be lost to North American colonists, sent Col. Juan N. Almonte to Texas on an inspection. Upon his return to the Mexican capital in November 1834, Almonte wrote a secret report of the measures necessary to avoid the loss of Texas---a report that has been unknown to scholars or the general public. Here it is presented in English for the first time, along with more than fifty letters that Almonte wrote during his inspection. When Santa Anna marched an army north to crush the Texas rebellion, Almonte was by his side as a special adviser. Almonte's journal appears here with full annotation, and from the examination of his role in the 1836 campaign we gain an overdue appreciation of this man who played an important part in the history of Texas and Mexico. "A highly classified document is leaking its contents like a lawn sprinkler." Kent Biffle, Dallas Morning News "This is a fascinating and highly satisfying book for anyone interested in the real meat of the story of the Texas Revolution---in all its political, military, and diplomatic dimensions. The editors have put Almonte in the center of this story of Texas in the 1830s and 40s, and that's exactly where he belongs. Bravo!" James Crisp, North Carolina State University "Following the reading of this excellent book, no one can doubt the crucial role that Almonte played in the affairs of Mexico and Texas." F. Todd Smith, East Texas Historical Journal "The editors have provided a welcomed, long overdue, and wholly original contribution to the knowledge of a vital period in Texas history. Almonte's Texas deserves an honored place on the bookshelves of every serious student of the Lone Star State." Stephen L. Hardin, Southwestern Historical Quarterly 2003 Kate Broocks Bates Award for Historical Research---Texas State Historical Association 2003 Summerfield G. Roberts Prize--- Sons of the Republic of Texas 2003 Friends of the Dallas Public Library Award for the Book Making the Most Significant Contribution to Knowledge---Texas Institute of Letters Citation, 2004---San Antomo Conservation Society.

He was the CIA's most effective agent in Southeast Asia, yet few knew his name or what he did. One high ranking diplomat wrote a scholarly account of the Secret War in Laos but didn't mention him. Didn't mention the guy who was literally running the Secret War during the years that this Embassy-bound "authority" was stationed in Vientiane. He was the number one expert on the political and military situation in both Thailand and Laos. Spoke the languages fluently. Understood the people and empathized with them. Knew all the all the movers and shakers and, just as importantly, knew the people at the bottom of those rigidly hierarchical societies. Knew the peasants and the press-ganged draftees who did the dirty work of war and suffered its losses. Knew everyone from top to bottom. Even knew HM King Bhumibol Adulyadej of Thailand. Spent 18 years in Thailand and Laos, married the sister of one of Thailand's most prominent statesmen. Held the rank of Colonel in the Royal Thai Police.Yet he was a quiet self-effacing man. Never out front. Working behind the scenes. No taste for either fame or fortune. Staying in the background until action was needed then striking decisively fast and effectively. Not what you would expect in a spy. Not handsome or dashing. Speaking slowly and carefully. Always to the point without so much as a single un-needed word. So reticent that many dismissed him as a low-level "field man". He didn't mind that. Such arrogance amused him. He knew what he was, and he knew he was in charge. He saved his brilliance for when it was needed and usually delivered it in writing rather than verbally.So, what exactly did James William "Bill" Lair do? He trained spies, guerilla warriors, and anti-guerilla warriors; directed a paramilitary army of 30,000 in battle; busted drug lords; ran an intelligence gathering net that spanned Thailand, Laos and parts of China; fed and rescued war refugees. That's just for starters. The poor fatherless boy who grew up in the rough vicious oil boomtowns of the Texas Panhandle during 1920s-30s, went off to the bloody beaches of Normandy, got a GI Bill degree from a Cow College, and carried his Texas backcountry twang to Southeast Asia may have sounded like a hick to his polished associates, but they often found that there was more to plain old countrified Bill than met their eye. Some came to call him "The Lawrence of Laos". Not that bad a description except that he was much more successful at what he did than T. E. Lawrence... and he never wrote any books about his exploits...So I have.