This book is organized in seven chapters. Chapter one looks at the origins and the causes of war. The chapter argues that war is a consequence of how we, as a species, have evolved. War has both endogenous and exogenous causes. While the former depends on our biology and psychology, the latter has to do primarily with international relations. Chapter two makes the case for the paradoxical nature of war. While war takes lives, it is legitimate under certain circumstances. For example, armed humanitarian interventions are allowed to save lives among local populations at the expense of the oppressors by employing all necessary means – ethical or not. Chapter three asks if peace among nations is achievable, which is the main theme of this book. However, it does not elaborate on the question entirely. Instead, it gives sort of a prelude of what will be discussed in the remaining of the book by talking about the concepts of world order and American hegemony, arms race, and peacebuilding. Chapter four builds on three by looking at realism, idealism, and pacifism in international relations. As to pacifism, the chapter attempts to answer the question, what was the most peaceful time in history? Chapter five presents the elements of hope for world peace by considering the role played by the following: (1) the United Nations; (2) the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO); (3) the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE); (4) the non-governmental organizations (NGOs); (5) the role of nuclear deterrence; (6) globalization; (7) transnationalism; (8) diplomacy; (9) sports; (10) international cooperation in space exploration; (11) the Nobel Prize; and (12) the declining of war and violence in modern times. On the other hand, chapter six presents the opposite argument or the barriers to world peace, using the following points: (1) the proliferation of nuclear weapons; (2) geoeconomics; (3) terrorism; (4) the global refugee crisis; (5) the profitability of arms sales; and (6) the profitability of wars. It makes an interesting argument especially as to the profitability of wars by showing how the United States, first, emerged as an imperial and a world power in the 1890s; then as the only world’s superpower after World War II. Finally, chapter seven takes a proactive approach by peering into the future of armed conflict, which is likely to take place in new environments: Cyberspace, the littoral, choke points, near space, and increasingly in expanding cities or slums War. The chapter concludes with a discussion on the Doomsday Clock, a concept stemmed from the uncertainty as to the future of mankind because of armed conflicts and which is a symbol that represents the likelihood of a man-made global catastrophe.

The Gilded Age: a Tale of Today is a depiction of those crimes committed in the United States in the late 19th Century which so frequently went unpunished and of the casualties which ought to be called crimes. The description severely winds up with the satirical verdict “No one to blame.” The project of Colonel Sellers for raising mules for the Southern markets is a satire upon the fraudulency and soap-bubble speculation of capitalists. The work is full of hints and descriptions that take their rise from the frauds and outrages under which the country had plagued for so many years. Family, social and national questions are all cleverly satirized. The monument erected to the memory of the Father of his country – a monument begun, but, of course, never completed – calls forth some strokes of bitter but not unjust humor. The means by which preferment is obtained in Washington are amply satirized. There are two views of this book: favorable and unfavorable. This essay considers both. For instance, while some critics think that it is incoherent, others suggests that the narrative departs from the traditional methods of concluding and is thereby more natural than most novels because every chapter of the book bears the marks of both writers and is therefore a novelty in its way. In this essay I argue that The Gilded Age is essentially a satire and should always be accepted as such. Of course, other good contemporary books did not make it to our time in terms of popularity and legacy. The Gilded Age did. We talk, write, and read about it to this day. Evidently, it is an integral part of the annals of American literature and fully contributes to Mark Twain’s reputation, legacy, and lasting influence.

This book delves into the connections between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the countries of the southern Caucasus region following the 1979 revolution. It focuses on their political, economic, and cultural interactions and elaborates on Iran's foreign policy principles, discourses, and significant decision-making institutions. It also addresses the process of nation-state building in the southern Caucasus, the challenges involved, and the geopolitical and strategic importance of this area for Iran. Factors influencing the relations are scrutinised, alongside an evaluation of the proposed accession of the Republic of Azerbaijan into Iran, based on insights from Hashemi Rafsanjani's diary. The work further investigates the legal framework of the Caspian Sea and Aras River, examines the strategic implications of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict for Iran and other relevant actors, and analyses the repercussions of the Ukraine war on transportation routes. This book will help researchers of the Middle East and the Caucasus better understand Iran's relations with the region.

This article is an argument against the US electoral college as a concept. It looks at the policies and failures of the five electoral college-elected presidents – three of them in the 19th century and the other two in the 21st century. It explores the electoral college’s modus operandi and its hindrance to American democracy to deduct its irrelevance. Mr. Dufour looks at people’s expectations from democracy in the 21st century as well as the meaning of American democracy, which is linked to the American dream to infer the polite fiction nature of the electoral college. The merit of the article lies within the facts it explores and considers as irrefutable evidence against any kind of compatibility between the electoral college and progressivism.

Belief is not knowledge, but we tend to hold our beliefs as if they represent knowledge, selecting whatever evidence is required to justify them. And because humans tend to cling to their beliefs as truths, organizations often ignore the need for change, no matter how urgent that need.From Belief to Knowledge: Achieving and Sustaining an Adaptive C

This volume addresses issues in epistemology, ethics and political philosophy. It contains new papers on issues such as semantic theory of truth, sandwich theory of knowledge, American pragmatism and scepticism, arguments from ignorance, infallibilism and fallibilism, justification and confirmation, Tarski’s T-schema, experimental results and ordinary truth, epistemic comparativism and experiments, epiphenomenlism and eliminativism about the mental, the identity theory of truth, thoughts and facts, metaontological maximalism and minimalism, morality and rights, aggregation of value judgements and aggregation of preferences, conditional and unconditional ethics, the role of the theory of evolution in moral epistemology, global and international political community, Rawls' views on cosmopolitanism and global justice, international distributive justice. Contributors are: Tomasz Bigaj, Krzysztof Brzechczyn, Tadeusz Buksiński, Robin Cameron, Jan B. Deręgowski, Nigel Dower, Adam Grobler, Jesper Kallestrup, Adrian Kuźniar, Justyna Miklaszewska, Joanna Miksa, Joanna Odrowąż-Sypniewska, Katarzyna Paprzycka, Krzysztof Posłajko, Wlodek Rabinowicz, John Skorupski, Leslie Stevenson, Piotr Szałek, Tadeusz Szubka, Joseph Ulatowski, Jan Woleński, Rafał Wonicki, Anna Wójtowicz, Renata Ziemińska