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Excerpt from The President's Message and the Recognition of the Independence of the Republic of Cuba: Speech of Hon. F. M. Cockrell, of Missouri, in the Senate of the United States, April 19 and 20, 1898 Mr. Cockrell. No; and they never will, either. Mr. Hale. No; I do not think so. Mr. Cockrell. When we had a Democratic President, elected by Democratic votes, and he undertook to pursue a policy which I believed was repugnant to the doctrines of the party, to the best principles of our system of government, and to the interests of the people, I did not appeal to anybody to stand by the President and follow his policy; that he was the leader of the party and we must sustain him. No, sir: I repudiated him on that question. Mr. Wilson. I rise to a parliamentary inquiry The Presiding Officer. The Senator from Washington will state his parliamentary inquiry. Mr. Wilson. I am afraid my amendment is going to be lost. The Presiding Officer. The Senator from Missouri has the floor. Mr. Hale. The Senator from Missouri did not; but if the Senator had believed as we believed yesterday, that the President was right, he would have appealed to his associates to stand by him and they would have stood by him. The Senator did not believe under the conditions he has described, that the President was right, although he had helped to elect him. We believed the President was right - Mr. Cockrell. Oh, I have no doubt about that. Mr. Hale. And are very glad we came out of that triumphant, with the party arrayed in a solid line. Mr. Cockrell. This is a very good opportunity. I was glad to see the Senator from Maine come in. I wanted a pathway to this discussion. Our Government is a peculiar one. We have a President, not a ruler; a servant of the people, placed there to execute the will of the people as expressed in the laws of the land enacted by Congress and sanctioned by him. Not a dollar of the millions and hundreds of millions raised can the President expend without the sanction of Congress, coming from the people. He has his separate functions, and they are limited, exceedingly limited. He can recommend to Congress measures; he can, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoint ambassadors, judges, and other officers, and he has the weak power of recognizing a consul, an ambassador from a foreign country, but he can not appoint an ambassador or consul to any foreign country. Mr. Spooner. If the Senator will allow me, can he not appoint an envoy? Mr. Cockrell. And not one single envoy can the President of the United States appoint in the sense of the word "ambassador" or as provided in the Constitution without law authorizing it. No President has ever attempted to do it. They have exercised the general governmental power of appointing a representative of their own to visit foreign countries, but they can not appoint an ambassador or a minister or a consul until the Congress of the United States has authorized it. The only power on earth which the President can exercise is to receive an ambassador, a minister, or a consul, and I challenge anyone to show anything to the contrary. We have heard a great deal about the President's prerogative of receiving and recognizing foreign governments. How can he recognize a foreign government? He can recognize it by recognizing the representative of that government, and that is the full extent of his power. That is the beginning and the end of it, the alpha and the omega of his power. Now, that binds the judicial branch of the Government. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.