How do political authorities build support for themselves and their rule? Doing so is key to accruing power, but it can be a complicated affair. This book shows how social processes can legitimate new rulers and make their exercise of power seem natural. Historically, political authorities have used carefully crafted symbols and practices to create a cultural infrastructure for rule, most notably through nationalism and state-building. The European Union (EU), as a new governance form, faces a particularly acute set of challenges in naturalising itself.

The idea for this volume came from the enigma that some Central and Eastern European (CEE) European Union (EU) member states have been keen to join the Eurozone while others have shown persistent reluctance. Moreover, the attitudes towards joining have seemingly not correlated with either the level of economic development or the time spent as part of the EU, nor with any other rational reason such as the level of integration into the EU real economy, or the level of trust in the EU on the part of the public. Therefore, at first sight, the answer to the question ‘why in, why out?’ remains rather unclear. The attractiveness of the currency union has nevertheless not disappeared for the CEE countries. Despite the Eurozone crisis of 2010–13, it was during that time that the Baltic states introduced the euro. Then, after a few years of inactivity, Croatia and Bulgaria successfully applied for membership of the exchange rate mechanism in July 2020, amid the economic crisis caused by the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. At the same time, the three Visegrad countries still using their national currencies – Poland, Czechia and Hungary – no longer have a target date to join the monetary union. This volume aims to discuss these issues from horizontal aspects and through country studies, with contributions from expert authors from, or closely related to, the CEE region.

An analysis of the repeated existential crises affecting the resilience of the European Union in the twenty-first century.

An introduction to the European Union from a comparative politics perspective, systematically analysing its functioning through comparison with national political systems.

The Euro-Zone represents the single most important step in European Integration since 1957 and one of the boldest economic, monetary, and political projects in modern history. In this first major study, the author examines the major political questions raised by the birth of the Euro-Zone on January 1 1999 and argues for a more politically informed analysis and assessment of its nature, operation, and prospects. How does the Euro-Zone operate? What does it mean for European States and for the political strategies of governments? How is its operation to be explained? What are its prospects for stability? What kinds of policies are needed to strengthen its capacity to withstand crisis? The book stresses the ECB-centric nature of the Euro-Zone and its implications both for policy and polices in Europe and for theories of integration. The ECB emerges as a powerful 'policy pusher' and 'ideational leader', with an authority and power exceeding that of the European Commission in the integration process. Dyson examines the elated problems of social justice, democratic consent, and identity. He also argues that the Euro-Zone represents a process of transition to the EU as a 'stabilization Staten An innovative aspect of the book is its application of a strength-strain model for the purpose of analyzing and assessing the stability of the Euro-Zone. It concludes that the stability of the Euro-Zone will be strongly conditioned by three factors: how Kantian rather than Hobbesian or Lockeian its political culture proves to be, with a key reproducibility failing here on the quality of political leadership; its possession of policy interments to tackle liquidity as well as debt traps; and the speed and efficiency of mechanisms of 'bench marking, policy transfer, and 'lesson-drawing'.

For many observers, the European Union is mired in a deep crisis. Between sluggish growth; political turmoil following a decade of austerity politics; Brexit; and the rise of Asian influence, the EU is seen as a declining power on the world stage. Columbia Law professor Anu Bradford argues the opposite in her important new book The Brussels Effect: the EU remains an influential superpower that shapes the world in its image. By promulgating regulations that shape the international business environment, elevating standards worldwide, and leading to a notable Europeanization of many important aspects of global commerce, the EU has managed to shape policy in areas such as data privacy, consumer health and safety, environmental protection, antitrust, and online hate speech. And in contrast to how superpowers wield their global influence, the Brussels Effect - a phrase first coined by Bradford in 2012- absolves the EU from playing a direct role in imposing standards, as market forces alone are often sufficient as multinational companies voluntarily extend the EU rule to govern their global operations. The Brussels Effect shows how the EU has acquired such power, why multinational companies use EU standards as global standards, and why the EU's role as the world's regulator is likely to outlive its gradual economic decline, extending the EU's influence long into the future.

Debate among politicians and academics alike vacillates as to whether the euro is the crowning achievement of a half-century of European integration efforts, or now constitutes a force that threatens to drive European Union member states apart. This book introduces both the political and economic forces at play in the eurozone crisis that have shaped this debate and changed the face of European integration.