Jerome Frank was one of the most important spokesmen for the generation of liberal intellectuals who came to maturity during the period of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. He was never a major figure in public life and thus never became a symbol of the period as did President Roosevelt, Henry Wallace, Harry Hopkins, or others whose positions made their views acces sible to the entire reading and listening public. While these men represented the popular view of the New Deal with its dedication to the elimination of the economic misery which beset the nation during the nineteen thirties, Frank may be the New Deal figure who most accurately summarized the intellectual currents of the period. As is the case with all thinkers, most of the ideas Frank presented in his books, articles, speeches, and in actual practice in governmental service were drawn from the works of other men. He brought together many diverse strains of thought, contributed some of his own ideas, and wove these to gether into a pattern which typifies the intellectual atmosphere that was the New Deal.

Jerome Frank was one of the most important spokesmen for the generation of liberal intellectuals who came to maturity during the period of Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. He was never a major figure in public life and thus never became a symbol of the period as did President Roosevelt, Henry Wallace, Harry Hopkins, or others whose positions made their views acces sible to the entire reading and listening public. While these men represented the popular view of the New Deal with its dedication to the elimination of the economic misery which beset the nation during the nineteen thirties, Frank may be the New Deal figure who most accurately summarized the intellectual currents of the period. As is the case with all thinkers, most of the ideas Frank presented in his books, articles, speeches, and in actual practice in governmental service were drawn from the works of other men. He brought together many diverse strains of thought, contributed some of his own ideas, and wove these to gether into a pattern which typifies the intellectual atmosphere that was the New Deal.

In this revised third edition of a classic in American jurisprudence, G. Edward White updates his series of portraits of the most famous appellate judges in American history from John Marshall to Oliver W. Holmes to Warren E. Burger, with a new chapter on the Rehnquist Court. White traces the development of the American judicial tradition through biographical sketches of the careers and contributions of these renowned judges. In this updated edition, he argues that the Rehnquist Court's approach to constitutional interpretation may have ushered in a new stage in the American judicial tradition. The update also includes a new preface and revised bibliographic note.

Now available in a newly revised and updated second edition, this highly-acclaimed volume presents a series of portraits of the most famous appellate judges in American history from John Marshall to the Burger court. G. Edward White traces the American judicial tradition through sketches of the careers and contributions of such significant judges as John Marshall, Joseph Story, Roger Taney, Stephen Field, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Louis Brandeis, Charles Evans Hughes, Felix Frankfurter, Hugo Black, Earl Warren, William Brennan, and Sandra Day O'Connor. This expanded edition contains a new preface, an updated bibliographical note, and two new chapters, one on Justice William O. Douglas and one on the Burger Court.

In the 1830s, the French aristocrat Alexis de Tocqueville warned that "insufferable despotism" would prevail if America ever acquired a national administrative state. Today's Tea Partiers evidently believe that, after a great wrong turn in the early twentieth century, Tocqueville's nightmare has come true. In those years, it seems, a group of radicals, seduced by alien ideologies, created vast bureaucracies that continue to trample on individual freedom. In Tocqueville's Nightmare, Daniel R. Ernst destroys this ahistorical and simplistic narrative. He shows that, in fact, the nation's best corporate lawyers were among the creators of "commission government" that supporters were more interested in purging government of corruption than creating a socialist utopia, and that the principles of individual rights, limited government, and due process were built into the administrative state. Far from following "un-American" models, American state-builders rejected the leading European scheme for constraining government, the Rechtsstaat (a state of rules). Instead, they looked to an Anglo-American tradition that equated the rule of law with the rule of courts and counted on judges to review the bases for administrators' decisions. Soon, however, even judges realized that strict judicial review shifted to courts decisions best left to experts. The most masterful judges, including Charles Evans Hughes, Chief Justice of the United States from 1930 to 1941, ultimately decided that a "day in court" was unnecessary if individuals had already had a "day in commission" where the fundamentals of due process and fair play prevailed. This procedural notion of the rule of law not only solved the judges' puzzle of reconciling bureaucracy and freedom. It also assured lawyers that their expertise in the ways of the courts would remain valuable, and professional politicians that presidents would not use administratively distributed largess as an independent source of political power. Tocqueville's nightmare has not come to pass. Instead, the American administrative state is a restrained and elegant solution to a thorny problem, and it remains in place to this day.

The Dictionary of Modern American Philosophers includes both academic and non-academic philosophers, anda large number of female and minority thinkers whose work has been neglected. It includes those intellectualsinvolved in the development of psychology, pedagogy, sociology, anthropology, education, theology, politicalscience, and several other fields, before these disciplines came to be considered distinct from philosophy in thelate nineteenth century.Each entry contains a short biography of the writer, an exposition and analysis of his or her doctrines and ideas, abibliography of writings, and suggestions for further reading. While all the major post-Civil War philosophers arepresent, the most valuable feature of this dictionary is its coverage of a huge range of less well-known writers,including hundreds of presently obscure thinkers. In many cases, the Dictionary of Modern AmericanPhilosophers offers the first scholarly treatment of the life and work of certain writers. This book will be anindispensable reference work for scholars working on almost any aspect of modern American thought.

Pragmatism and Law provides a textual reading of the American legal discourse, as it unfolds through various genres of pragmatism, which evolve and transform during the twentieth century. The historical narrative, which the book weaves, traces the transformation of the pragmatic idea from the forefront of philosophical intellectual inquiries at the turn of the twentieth century to a common sense lawyers’ practical rule of action at the turn of the twenty-first century. During this sequence, a fresh look at American history and legal history in particular is offered through the emphasis on recurring discursive structures which assume incommensurable treatments of basic liberal notions like justice, politics, and truth. Underlying the writing is an interpretative mode of inquiry, based on European post-structural methodologies, while claiming to represent their next intellectual phase. This contemporary mode of inquiry is that of a reading which insists on healing through the paradoxes. It is the same mode that sets, in the author’s view, the updated interpretative model of dispute resolution studies.