In this book, Jeremiah I. Dibua challenges prevailing notions of Africa's development crisis by drawing attention to the role of modernization as a way of understanding the nature and dynamics of the crisis, and how to overcome the problem of underdevelopment. He specifically focuses on Nigeria and its development trajectory since it exemplifies the crisis of underdevelopment in the continent. He explores various theoretical and empirical issues involved in understanding the crisis, including state, class, gender and culture, often neglected in analysis, from an interdisciplinary, radical political economy perspective. This is the first book to adopt such an approach and to develop a new framework for analyzing Nigeria's and Africa's development crisis. It will influence the debate on the development dilemma of African and Third World societies and will be of interest to scholars and students of race and ethnicity, modern African history, class analysis, gender studies, and development studies.

The main theme of this book is to provide a critical analysis of the "Nigerian dependent management and leadership development in the post world war II colonial Nigeria". (1945-to-1960) and beyond, using foreign fi rms-global/multinational and transnational corporations; U.A.C., SHELL, NNPC and OPEC. All these foreign fi rms have their parent companies resided in their foreign countries of origin (advanced metropolis) and have their subsidiaries or peripheries all over the global communities of under¬developed and developing economies. Paradoxically, the book was generated by on-going political, economic concern and controversy with the fate of the struggle and quest for economic liberation in the third world-under-developed and developing countries of Africa, with direct specifi c studies of the "Nigeria dependent management and leadership development", predates, from 'pre and post' colonial era of the British colonial rule in Nigeria. The book further focuses, elicits and elucidates the third world dependent development. International Political Economy and Global/Multinational-Transnational Corporations, economic and political roles in Nigeria's 'agricultural and oil' base economic factors, by using Nigeria raw materials/natural resources to produce into fi nished products. The profi ts maximization, surpluses and heavy taxation realized through levied and derived from the genesis of the raw materials, making it into complete fi nished products, from the subsidiary country Nigeria, by the British global/multinational corporations of (U.A.C.) the United Africa Company, on the poor peasantry/farmers were been appropriated, expropriated back to the U.A.C's parent company in the United Kingdom's ministry of food and supply. The other raw materials/natural resources of the crude petroleum/oil manufacturing economy were been monopolized by the "SHELL" Oil Royal Dutch of Netherlands and British "SHELL" post emerged, based on the concession signed in Britain, as the British government during colonial rule in Nigeria discovered crude oil segments deposits, in the today's south-south at Oloibiri in 1956, province/region in the today, south-south of eastern Nigeria. The "NNPC" the Nigeria indigenous oil transnational corporation, represented the Nigeria federal government crude oil reserve ownership of 55 % (in a shared venture, with "SHELL" British Petroleum and her partner of the Netherland Royal Dutch Oil Co-"SHELL"- "SHELL" owned 30 %) and profi ts made by "SHELL" was transferred to the "SHELL" parent oil Co, Headquarters at Hague, Netherland; Finally, the "OPEC" relationship with Nigeria, and the world oil market, emerged as the oil giant (developing oil organization) permanent inter-governmental organization, seemed competitively world oil organization, bailed out the global oil community in terms of world oil market stock exchange crashes and recessions; global oil gluts, oil embargos, regional civil wars and unrest threatened "OPEC" oil production, intercepts in bailing out the global oil community, via by optimal production and supplies was apparent in "OPEC" sustainability growth and reinforce the world oil market business continuity. "OPEC" main theme was apparently formed to stabilize and fi x oil prices, amongst the member 12 oil producing and exporting countries from the third world. Assist the member oil producer member countries to produce oil in a quota basis system to prevent any oil price manipulations, intimidations, exploitative mechanism of oil sales malpractices and price anomalies.

There is a paradoxical relationship between democracy and development in Nigeria. In the twenty years of electoral democracy, poverty, inequality, unemployment, underemployment and insecurity have increased. The hopes of citizens that democracy would lead to improved living standards have been dashed. Social justice and inclusive sustainable development have also been elusive. The economy has remained dependent on 2 primary sectors - agriculture and oil - and low value added services.The aspiration that by 2020, Nigeria would become one of the twenty leading economies in the world has not been achieved, the political elite have captured the state for personal gains and unsurprisingly, Nigeria remains one of the most corrupt countries in the world.

Since the end of civil war in 1970, Nigeria has struggled to build a stronger federal center and to reduce conflicts that have arisen from uneven development and from ethnic, regional, class and religious differences. This book provides a comprehensive account of the dynamic interplay between the political and economic forces that have shaped gover