Includes subject section, name section, and 1968-1970, technical reports.

A major problem in the treatment of opioid dependence has been the persistence of relapse despite detoxification and enforced prolonged abstention from drug use, with or without conventional psychotherapy and other efforts at rehabilitation. Both initial addiction and subsequent relapses are usually ascribed to the quest for opioid-produced euphoria in persons with character disorders. This formulation is in accord with one-half of the common sense "pleasure-pain" principle, but it ignores the other half, namely, the long-lasting dysphoric consequences of re peated opioid use (distressing abstinence phenomena, sexual distur bances, disruption of marital status, unemployment, enmeshment in criminal activities, arrests, and imprisonment). In any case, the pleasure-pain principle is an empty tautology since it is incapable of refutation by any conceivable objective data that might seem contradic tory, inasmuch as it can be "saved" by invocation of untestable uncon scious intervening variables. Less tied to the pleasure-pain principle is the view that relapse is due to long-lasting sequelae of previous opioid addiction, resulting from complex conditioning processes, both operant and classical, involving pharmacological, environmental, social and personal variables. In this view, relapse is not simply a re-enactment of initial opioid use, but is a "disease, sui generis" a disease of its own kind. The factors contributing to this disease, sui generis are reviewed in this book.

Why is the United States the only advanced capitalist country with no labor party? This question is one of the great enduring puzzles of American political development, and it lies at the heart of a fundamental debate about the nature of American society. Tackling this debate head-on, Robin Archer puts forward a new explanation for why there is no American labor party-an explanation that suggests that much of the conventional wisdom about "American exceptionalism" is untenable. Conventional explanations rely on comparison with Europe. Archer challenges these explanations by comparing the United States with its most similar New World counterpart-Australia. This comparison is particularly revealing, not only because the United States and Australia share many fundamental historical, political, and social characteristics, but also because Australian unions established a labor party in the late nineteenth century, just when American unions, against a common backdrop of industrial defeat and depression, came closest to doing something similar. Archer examines each of the factors that could help explain the American outcome, and his systematic comparison yields unexpected conclusions. He argues that prosperity, democracy, liberalism, and racial hostility often promoted the very changes they are said to have obstructed. And he shows that it was not these characteristics that left the United States without a labor party, but, rather, the powerful impact of repression, religion, and political sectarianism.