Confident that they had broken with a discredited past, French revolutionaries after 1789 referred to pre-revolutionary times as the ancien regime (old regime). The National Assembly proclaimed the sovereignty of the people, grasping the reins of power and asserting the supremacy of law over all other interests. Even as the liberalism of 1789 collapsed into the Terror and then into the Napoleonic dictatorship, a new regime emerged at the juncture of state and civil society. The cycles of recrimination, hatred, and endemic local conflict unleashed by the Terror did not obliterate this new civic order. In this fascinating and wide-ranging study of three turbulent decades in French history, the eminent historian Isser Woloch examines some large questions: How did the French civic order change after 1789? What civic values animated the new regime; what policies did it adopt? What institutions did it establish, and how did they fare when carried into practice? Drawing on a variety of archival sources, Professor Woloch explains shifts in lawmaking and local authority, state intervention in village life, the creation of public primary schools, experiments in public assistance, a cycle of changes in the mechanisms of civil justice, the introduction of felony trials, and above all the imposition of military conscription. Unlike most accounts of the period, The New Regime moves outside Paris in search of the new civic order. Professor Woloch writes: "Imagine approaching a typical French town in 1798 or 1808 - the capital of one of the eighty-odd departments that the National Assembly created by redividing the nation's territory. The spires of a cathedral or the largest parish churches would stillcommand the horizon. But as one moved about the town, one could readily identify its civic institutions: the departmental administration (later the prefecture); the town hall or mairie; the local schools; several new courts or tribunals; the institutions of poor relief such as a

The present ecological mutation has organized the whole political landscape for the last thirty years. This could explain the deadly cocktail of exploding inequalities, massive deregulation, and conversion of the dream of globalization into a nightmare for most people. What holds these three phenomena together is the conviction, shared by some powerful people, that the ecological threat is real and that the only way for them to survive is to abandon any pretense at sharing a common future with the rest of the world. Hence their flight offshore and their massive investment in climate change denial. The Left has been slow to turn its attention to this new situation. It is still organized along an axis that goes from investment in local values to the hope of globalization and just at the time when, everywhere, people dissatisfied with the ideal of modernity are turning back to the protection of national or even ethnic borders. This is why it is urgent to shift sideways and to define politics as what leads toward the Earth and not toward the global or the national. Belonging to a territory is the phenomenon most in need of rethinking and careful redescription; learning new ways to inhabit the Earth is our biggest challenge. Bringing us down to earth is the task of politics today.

The New Brazil tells the story of South America's largest country as it evolved from a remote Portuguese colony into a regional leader; a respected representative for the developing world; and, increasingly, an important partner for the United States and the European Union. In this engaging book, Riordan Roett traces the long road Brazil has traveled to reach its present status, examining the many challenges it has overcome and those that lie ahead. He discusses the country's development as a colony, empire, and republic; the making of modern Brazil, beginning with the rise to power of Getúlio Vargas; the advent of the military government in 1964; the return to civilian rule two decades later; and the pivotal presidencies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio (Lula) da Silva, leading to the nation's current world status as one of the BRIC countries. Under newly elected President Dilma Rousseff, much remains to be done to consolidate and expand its global role. Nonetheless, as a player on the world stage, Brazil is here to stay. "In part the [country's] success is due to external factors such as the high demand for Brazilian exports, particularly in China and the rest of Asia. But it also reflects sophisticated policy choices, including inflation targeting and maintenance of an autonomous central bank."—from the Introduction

The New Israel: Peacemaking and Liberalization argues that the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian peace process will be expedited by increased economic liberalization. Israel has undergone dramatic economic change in the 1990s, shifting from a strongly protectionist, state-centered economy to a more international, neoliberal one. The book maintains that these fundamental changes have in turn transformed Israeli society as a whole, resulting in a significant moderation of attitudes toward the Palestinian people and Palestinian nationalism. The New Israel contains contributions from both established Israeli sociologists and promising young scholars. The New Israel: Peacemaking and Liberalization is an insightful commentary on one of the most crucial international issues of our time.

This Technical Note on Stress Testing the Banking, Insurance, and Pension Sectors on Denmark discusses that since the beginning of the global financial crisis, Danish banks have substantially increased their capital buffers. The banks’ capital buffers provide for substantial loss absorbing capacity in case macro-financial conditions deteriorate. Under the most severe stress scenario, the aggregate Tier 1 ratio of large Danish banks drops by almost 4 percentage points, but the solvency position would remain adequate even in such a downturn scenario—underlining the value of solid capital buffers. Under the restrictive assumptions of the stress test, the adverse scenarios have large negative effects on the solvency and profitability of life insurance companies. Nonlife insurers would see a small decline in solvency ratios in the first year of the stress test. Though starting from lower solvency levels than life insurers, the aggregated impact on solvency ratios in the adverse scenario is comparably smaller.

An eye-opening look at North Korea, a brutal Stalinist country that has become one of the most volatile hot spots in the world.