Throughout history, religious groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, have risen in popularity during times of crises in countries all over the world – much like conservative political parties. In this context, pure Islam, based on worship, respect, principles of religion and countering idolatry, must be differentiated from the religion promoted by groups like the Muslim Brotherhood. The group attempts to exploit religion to serve its own interests and to seize power. The Brotherhood’s goals may be fixed, but their interests are subject to change. The issue for religious groups like the Muslim Brotherhood is their belief that any criticism of them is also a criticism of religion, despite the fact their ideas are merely human interpretations, which can be true or false. As a result, the exploitation of religion has become one of the defining characteristics of our modern era. There are many narratives surrounding the inception of the Muslim Brotherhood in the UAE, however the correct account dates back to 1962, when Abdul Badie Saqr, a Qatari citizen of Egyptian origin, came to the UAE. The Qatari Brotherhood had also established a presence in Dubai in 1961, playing a major role in the establishment of the UAE’s Muslim Brotherhood group. When Abdul Badie Saqr arrived in the UAE, he was accompanied by Yusuf Al-Qaradawi, Abdul Mueizz Al-Sattar, Ahmad Al-Assal and Kamal Naji. The Muslim Brotherhood in the UAE followed in the footsteps of its parent group in Egypt, and its branch in Kuwait. While the Kuwaiti model was followed in the Arab Gulf region, the Egyptian model was the superior example, in both political and religious contexts.

During times of crises there has been a historical tendency for peripheral ideologies and groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, to gain a foothold. The so-called Arab Spring was one such moment, where the Brotherhood was able to manipulate concerns and deeply held beliefs in order to assume power. Yet the ideology purported by the group is a fundamental misrepresentation of Islam, in an attempt to exploit religion to serve its narrow goals and interests. In this context, pure Islam, based on worship, respect and the higher principles of religion, must be differentiated from the ideology promoted by groups like the Muslim Brotherhood. Over the decades, in countries across the region, the Brotherhood and its branches have managed to infiltrate major elements of state and society, to varying degrees. In doing so, it has relied on manipulation, intimidation and violence, while its political positions regularly shift in order to facilitate attempts to assume power. The UAE was also impacted by the Muslim Brotherhood’s project, which in this country, is thought to date back to 1962 when its members first arrived in the Emirates and began to build a base in Dubai. Before long, the UAE branch of the organization, known as Al-Islah, established deep roots across UAE society, wielding control of the education system in particular, and posing a threat to the very stability of the nation. However, the UAE is a powerful example of decisive state action to eradicate the threat of political Islam, ultimately ensuring a safe, stable and prosperous environment where its people could thrive. This important book charts the development of the Brotherhood, from its beginnings in Egypt in the 1920s, to its attempts to consolidate power across the region following the so-called Arab Spring. It highlights the group’s tactics, ambiguous ideology and attempts to distort religion to gain power and influence. The insights offered, based on robust research into the group, its ideology and activities, aim to expose the duplicitous agenda of groups like the Brotherhood, and ensure they are unable to once again exploit vulnerabilities and re-emerge.

The shifting contemporary security environment is characterized by unconventional actors and methods, the influence of non-state actors, and the use of proxies and hybrid warfare techniques. This has not only precipitated changing alliances and positions, but has significantly altered the global security agenda and our understanding of security concepts. In the Middle East, where the security implications of the Arab Uprisings continue to reverberate a decade later, complex factors in the emergence of novel security challenges call for a more nuanced approach that moves beyond conventional narratives. It is here that securitization theory has an important role, offering a comprehensive analysis that takes into account the multiplicity of actors, audiences and interests at play in both the construction of threats, and the legitimization of state responses to them. As a rising regional security actor, and an important player on the global stage, the United Arab Emirates offers a strong case study, in term of its efforts with partners to tackle some of the region’s most pressing threats. In examining the ways in which the UAE’s decision-makers have identified and securitized threats, such as political Islam and the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood, the book aims to achieve a deeper understanding of regional complexities, while developing securitization theory in a fresh geopolitical context. Traditionally applied to Western contexts, this book aims to situate securitization’s theoretical framework within the transformative security developments to have taken place in the Middle East in recent decades. It offers a detailed examination of the events surrounding the Arab Uprisings, and their far-reaching impact to set the scene for analysis of how securitization theory can help deepen our understanding of the region’s current political, economic and security considerations. Many states in the region are still severely weakened, or are mired in conflict that has brought humanitarian crisis and the collapse of regimes. Continued instability in Yemen, Libya, Syria and Iraq threatens the security of the entire region, as external actors vie for dominance. Meanwhile, the security vacuums created by departing major powers have had perilous effects, allowing space for Islamist extremist elements to regroup and grow. The security threats facing the region have long-term implications, likely to be further complicated by shifting political dynamics and emergent global issues, such as the pandemic and climate change. A robust response requires a move away from traditional security paradigms, as demonstrated by the UAE’s approach, in favor of more comprehensive and proactive strategies to address the array of novel challenges that now define the contemporary security landscape.

From Anwar al-Sadat’s dramatic gambit in 1977 to the surprising declaration of the Abraham Accords in 2020, making peace with Israel was always a tough sell for Arab regimes. Through an analysis of hundreds of fatwas, sermons, essays, books, interviews, poems, postage stamps and other media, Peace in the Name of Allah examines how Egyptian, Jordanian, and Emirati political and religious authorities introduced Islamic justifi cations for peace with Israel, and how those opposed countered them. The discussion demonstrates the fl exible and ambiguous nature of revelation-based political discourses; Islam is neither ‘for’ nor ‘against’ peace with Israel – people are, as different Muslim political actors take competing or even contradictory positions.

Political shocks have come to be considered highly salient for explaining major changes to international politics and to the foreign policies of states. Such shocks can occur at all levels of analysis: domestically, dyadically, regionally, or globally. They range from political phenomena such as coups and wars to ecological catastrophes. These shocks are sufficiently disruptive to cause foreign policy makers to reconsider their foreign policy orientations and to contemplate major changes to their policies. In fact, some have argued that it is mostly through political shocks that fundamental policy change occurs in most states. No wonder then that political shocks are now increasingly part of the toolbox of considerations used by foreign policy and international relations scholars as they focus on understanding patterns of conflict and cooperation between states. Given the salience of political shocks to understand foreign policy change, this book brings together a group of both senior and more junior scholars whose previous work has shown substantial promise for moving forward theory and empirical analysis. Their combined efforts in this book highlight the value of multiple theoretical and empirical approaches to a clearer understanding of the nature of political shocks and their consequences for foreign policy and international politics.

This book dwells upon the various aspects of the Turkish foreign policy in the different regions of the world, especially with the dawn of the twenty-first century. Turkey has attracted international attention due to a marked transformation in the country’s domestic and external realms, which in turn, has led to an increased activism in its foreign policy actions. Particularly, Turkey’s economic rise has fuelled the country’s ambition and quest for a more significant role in international affairs. These transformations have come about with the ascendance of the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) [or Justice & Development Party (JDP)] to power in 2002. Turkey, under the AKP, moved towards a ‘new’ direction in the foreign policy and consequently endeavoured to play a larger role in West Asia (Middle East), the Balkans, southern Mediterranean, the Caucasus, Central Asia, Africa and Asia. The country has emerged as a multi-regional player having stakes and tractions on a range of issues in these regions. The several discernible aspects of Turkey’s involvement are dealt with in the contributions to this volume.

This book examines the changing image of the Arab Gulf States in the West. It addresses the question of perception in international relations and how the Arab States of the Gulf have pursued various endeavors to project themselves into Western imagination. The book chapters generate ideas on how perceptions came about and ways to improve cultural and political realities on the ground in the Arab Gulf States. Thus, it paves the way for a new area of research in the field of Gulf Studies that extends beyond traditional international relations frameworks by weaving elements of intercultural communication into the mix. Recognizing, yet extending beyond, a traditionally realist framework, which has dominated the analysis of Arab Gulf States' foreign relations with western countries, this book tackles both the materialist and the symbolic in the efforts and initiatives launched by the Arab Gulf States. Some chapters maintain a social-scientific approach about the politics of the Arab Gulf States in the West from an international relations lens. Others employ theoretical frameworks that were founded on the notion of the "encounter," with anthropological lenses and concepts of intercultural communication. In addition to the value of this academic research agenda, as such, some of the chapters also touch upon the added importance of policy-oriented input. As the Arab Gulf States actively engage with the West, the book would widely appeal to students and researchers of Gulf politics and international relations.