While scholars have long looked at the role of political Islam in the Middle East, it has been assumed that domestic politics in the wealthy monarchical states of the Arabian Gulf, so-called "rentier states" where taxes are very low and oil wealth subsidizes the needs of citizens, are largely unaffected by such movements. However, the long accepted rentier theory has been shortsighted in overlooking the socio-political role played by Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in the super-rentiers of Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates. While rentier state theory assumes that citizens of such states will form opposition blocs only when their stake in rent income is threatened, this book demonstrates that ideology, rather than rent, have motivated the formation of independent Islamist movements in the wealthiest states of the region. In the monarchical systems of Qatar and the UAE, Islamist groups do not have the opportunity to compete for power and therefore cannot use the ballot box to gain popularity or influence political life, as they do elsewhere in the Middle East. But, as this book points out, the division between the social and political sectors is often blurred in the socially conservative states of the Gulf, as political actors operate through channels that are not institutionalized. Simply because politics is underinstitutionalized in such states does not mean that it is underdeveloped; the informal realm holds considerable political capital. As such, the book argues that Brotherhood movements have managed to use the links between the social (i.e. informal personal networks) and political (i.e. government institutions) to gain influence in policymaking in such states.Using contemporary history and original empirical research, Courtney Freer updates traditional rentier state theory and argues that political Islam serves as a prominent voice and tool to promote more strictly political, and often populist or reformist, views supported by many Gulf citizens.

During times of crises there has been a historical tendency for peripheral ideologies and groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, to gain a foothold. The so-called Arab Spring was one such moment, where the Brotherhood was able to manipulate concerns and deeply held beliefs in order to assume power. Yet the ideology purported by the group is a fundamental misrepresentation of Islam, in an attempt to exploit religion to serve its narrow goals and interests. In this context, pure Islam, based on worship, respect and the higher principles of religion, must be differentiated from the ideology promoted by groups like the Muslim Brotherhood. Over the decades, in countries across the region, the Brotherhood and its branches have managed to infiltrate major elements of state and society, to varying degrees. In doing so, it has relied on manipulation, intimidation and violence, while its political positions regularly shift in order to facilitate attempts to assume power. The UAE was also impacted by the Muslim Brotherhood’s project, which in this country, is thought to date back to 1962 when its members first arrived in the Emirates and began to build a base in Dubai. Before long, the UAE branch of the organization, known as Al-Islah, established deep roots across UAE society, wielding control of the education system in particular, and posing a threat to the very stability of the nation. However, the UAE is a powerful example of decisive state action to eradicate the threat of political Islam, ultimately ensuring a safe, stable and prosperous environment where its people could thrive. This important book charts the development of the Brotherhood, from its beginnings in Egypt in the 1920s, to its attempts to consolidate power across the region following the so-called Arab Spring. It highlights the group’s tactics, ambiguous ideology and attempts to distort religion to gain power and influence. The insights offered, based on robust research into the group, its ideology and activities, aim to expose the duplicitous agenda of groups like the Brotherhood, and ensure they are unable to once again exploit vulnerabilities and re-emerge.

A Foreign Affairs Best Book of the Year In the century since the Muslim Brotherhood first emerged in Egypt, its idea of “the West” has remained a key driver of its behavior. From its founding, the Brotherhood stood opposed to the British Empire and Western cultural influence. Its leaders hoped to create more pristine, authentically Islamic societies. As British power gave way to American, the Brotherhood oscillated between anxiety about the West and the need to engage with it, while American and British officials struggled to understand the group, unsure whether to shun or embrace it. The Muslim Brotherhood and the West offers the first comprehensive history of the relationship between the world’s largest Islamist movement and the powers that have dominated the Middle East for the past hundred years. Drawing on extensive archival research in London and Washington and the Brotherhood’s writings in Arabic and English, Martyn Frampton reveals the history of this charged relationship down to the eve of the Arab Spring. What emerges is an authoritative account of a story that is crucial to understanding one of the world’s most turbulent regions. “Rigorous yet absorbing...Fills a crucial gap in the literature and will be essential reading not just for scholars, but for anyone seeking to understand the ever-problematic relationship between religion and politics in today’s Middle East.” —Financial Times “Breaks new ground by examining the links between the Egyptian Brotherhood’s relations with Britain and...the United States.” —Times Literary Supplement

Throughout history, religious groups, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, have risen in popularity during times of crises in countries all over the world – much like conservative political parties. In this context, pure Islam, based on worship, respect, principles of religion and countering idolatry, must be differentiated from the religion promoted by groups like the Muslim Brotherhood. The group attempts to exploit religion to serve its own interests and to seize power. The Brotherhood’s goals may be fixed, but their interests are subject to change. The issue for religious groups like the Muslim Brotherhood is their belief that any criticism of them is also a criticism of religion, despite the fact their ideas are merely human interpretations, which can be true or false. As a result, the exploitation of religion has become one of the defining characteristics of our modern era. There are many narratives surrounding the inception of the Muslim Brotherhood in the UAE, however the correct account dates back to 1962, when Abdul Badie Saqr, a Qatari citizen of Egyptian origin, came to the UAE. The Qatari Brotherhood had also established a presence in Dubai in 1961, playing a major role in the establishment of the UAE’s Muslim Brotherhood group. When Abdul Badie Saqr arrived in the UAE, he was accompanied by Yusuf Al-Qaradawi, Abdul Mueizz Al-Sattar, Ahmad Al-Assal and Kamal Naji. The Muslim Brotherhood in the UAE followed in the footsteps of its parent group in Egypt, and its branch in Kuwait. While the Kuwaiti model was followed in the Arab Gulf region, the Egyptian model was the superior example, in both political and religious contexts.

In Europe and North America, networks tracing their origins back to the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist movements have rapidly evolved into multifunctional and richly funded organizations competing to become the major representatives of Western Muslim communities and government interlocutors. Some analysts and policy makers see these organizations as positive forces encouraging integration. Others cast them as modern-day Trojan horses, feigning moderation while radicalizing Western Muslims. Lorenzo Vidino brokers a third, more informed view. Drawing on more than a decade of research on political Islam in the West, he keenly analyzes a controversial movement that still remains relatively unknown. Conducting in-depth interviews on four continents and sourcing documents in ten languages, Vidino shares the history, methods, attitudes, and goals of the Western Brothers, as well as their phenomenal growth. He then flips the perspective, examining the response to these groups by Western governments, specifically those of Great Britain, Germany, and the United States. Highly informed and thoughtfully presented, Vidino's research sheds light on a critical juncture in Muslim-Western relations.

In this book, Birol Başkan explains the variation in attitudes and approaches towards the Muslim Brotherhood across 5 Gulf States: Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. He argues that this disparity is at the root of the ongoing Gulf crisis that erupted in June 2017.

A wide-ranging account of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan and its ideological and behavioural development since its founding in 1945.