This book argues that the backsliding or stagnation of democracy should be interpreted in a wider perspective on irregular movements towards and away from contemporary liberal democracy. This a perspective couched by a metaphor, namely the 'pendulum of democracy', which the author has constructed to suggest that democratic regimes may swing between a democratic end (fully developed liberal democracy) and a semi-authoritarian end (competitive authoritarianism). The pendulum does not have a predictable frequency. Democratization may lead to irregular movements back and forth. It is easier to analyze such movements of the pendulum when democracy is not consolidated yet (for instance, in the three post-Yugoslav political regimes mentioned above), as democratic institutions and processes are not yet stable. For this reason, this book analyses the swing of unconsolidated democracy away from the democratic end in the cases of today’s Serbia and Montenegro and the swing back towards liberal democracy in the case of North Macedonia which - until 2017 - had been developing into a competitive authoritarian regime, but then embarked on the road to democratic recovery.

Disgusted by Political Fighting? Frustrated by the Inertia of Congress? We, the People, together, can redirect politics. This book points out the error of Single Congressional Seat Districts, the usurpation of power by political parties, and outlines what has to be done to get back to the original founders' vision of Congress.Political parties have always been about power and never about democracy. Politicians entice you with vague benefits and scare you with potential losses. Political parties are not about fixing problems, they are about getting your vote. On the other hand, Congress should be about fixing problems. We must not confuse politics with governance. We need to invest our votes in representatives instead of political parties.There is a path back to proportional representation so that those of us caught between two powerful parties can have a voice. You don't have to accept that only two choices are possible, but we can't just keep waiting for things to get better. We must find our voices and make it clear that Washington's business as usual isn't good enough!

Mass protest movements in disparate places such as Greece, Argentina, and the United States ultimately share an agenda—to raise the question of what democracy should mean. These horizontalist movements, including Occupy, exercise and claim participatory democracy as the ground of revolutionary social change today. Written by two international activist intellectuals and based on extensive interviews with movement participants in Spain, Venezuela, Argentina, across the United States, and elsewhere, this book is an expansive portrait of the assemblies, direct democracy forums, and organizational forms championed by the new movements, as well as an analytical history of direct and participatory democracy from ancient Athens to Zuccotti Park. The new movements put forward the idea that liberal democracy is not democratic, nor was it ever.

Europeanization and Informal Networks in Southeastern Europe considers the impact of political culture, including informal rules which regulate political behaviour, on formal political processes. Exploring the EU accession processes of Slovenia, Croatia, and Serbia, the author identifies how the working and social culture of political elites enabled and/or constrained the ability of the respective legislatures to pass the reforms necessary to become members of the EU. The innovative approach quantifies informality at the elite level, taking a rigorous, multi-methods approach to identifying the sometimes-subtle impact of informal cultures on formal political processes. In doing so, it demonstrates the added value from studying informality by providing a richer understanding of the factors which help motivate and drive political action, and which may be invisible to an outside observer. By examining features such as the connectedness of individuals and key committees, Mesarovich finds that hierarchical network structures can both accelerate and interfere with reform processes under different conditions. This book advances the field of Europeanization both within the framework of accession and more broadly, by highlighting network-level and individual factors which can deeply impact state-wide political outcomes, and will be of primary interest to an academic audience interested in the region, EU studies, Social Network Analysis, and regional politics.

Political Crises, Social Conflict and Economic Development is a rare attempt to undertake comparative political economy analysis of the Andean region and thus represents a welcome contribution. . . It is clearly written and will engage scholars interested in Latin America from a wide range of disciplines. Jonathan di John, Journal of Agrarian Change This collection of essays on the political economy of the Andean region goes to the heart of the struggle these smaller economies face in completing crucial reforms and achieving higher growth. Andrés Solimano has brought together the best and the brightest talent from each country, the result being the most compelling analysis ever of how enclave development and a historical dependence on primary exports renders these countries distinctly Andean. As the essays argue, the political solutions and economic remedies must address this phenomenon, rather than mimicking those strategies of the larger emerging market countries in the region. Carol Wise, University of Southern California, US The contributors to this authoritative volume analyze the impact of political crises and social conflict on economic performance in the Andean region of Latin America. The blend of theory and case studies is also relevant for understanding other complex societies in the developing world and transition economies. The book provides illuminating insights on how to understand, and survive, the complicated interactions between volatile politics, unstable democracies, violence, social inequality and uneven economic performance. Recent political economy theories are combined with valuable quantitative and qualitative information on presidential crises, breakdowns of democracy, constitutional reforms, quality of institutions, and social inequality and exclusion to understand actual country realities. Part I provides the conceptual framework and a regional perspective of the book. Part II contains five political economy country studies Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Venezuela written by leading scholars in the field and former senior policymakers, including a former President. Together, the chapters highlight the detrimental effects of political instability and social conflict on economic growth and stability, as well as the feedback effects from poor economic performance on political instability and institutional fragility. The country studies warn that narrow economic reforms that do not pay adequate attention to politics, institutions and social structures are bound to fail in bringing lasting prosperity and stability to complex societies. Examining new and rich information on episodes of political turmoil, military interventions, forced presidential resignations, constitutional reforms and social uprisings, this book will be required reading for all those interested in the interface of politics and economic development.

This analysis of the Yugoslav democratisation process explains the variation of regime outcomes within a structuralist framework. Focusing on the post‐socialist world, it goes beyond ethnicity and elite agency to bring the role of class and the state into discussions of third wave democracies. Offering an in‐depth study of four post‐Yugoslav cases and relying on extensive field work, it examines how civil society, state structures and elite agency influence the trajectories of Croatia, North Macedonia, Serbia and Slovenia after the end of socialism. The analysis also considers the impact of the European Union on domestic conditions. The author argues that no single factor explains the occurrence of democracy. It is instead the result of the combination of an autonomous civil society, a non‐captured state and ruling elites willing to implement democratic reforms. Concomitant with this, the analysis provides evidence that the only sufficient condition for the occurrence of democracy is non‐captured state structures. State capacity, therefore, plays a central role in democratisation. This book will be of interest to scholars and students of Eastern Europe, Southeastern Europe, the EU and democratisation, as well as to policymakers and nongovernmental organisations.