When the Soviet people will enjoy the [God) wQl com11Ul1ld a ble', ing on u, In ble, "ngr of Communism, new hundred, all our way" '0 that we, hall, ee much more of Hi, wisdom, power, goodnell8, of mOlion, of people on earth will BIly: and truth than we have formerly known. 'We are for CommuniBml' It i, not We, haH find that the God of I8TIlei is through war with other countries, but by, among U', and ten of us shall be able to the example of a more perfect organiza tion of society, by rapid progress in rellist a thouBIlnd of our enemie, . The Lord will make our name a prai, e and developing the productive force, the creation of all conditions for the happi glory, '0 that men 'hall BIlY of succeed ing plantation, : 'The Lord make it like ness and well-being of man, that the that of New England'. For we must con ideaB of Communism win the mind, and sider that we Ilhall be like a city upon a hearts of the masses. Hill; the eye, of all people are on u, . The force of Bocial progress will in evitably grow in aU countries, and this John Winthrop to early Puritan will assist the builden of CommuniBm in settlers in America, 1630 the Soviet Union. Programme of the C.P.S.U

The Intoxication of Power is a collection of contributions by thirteen authors from various academic disciplines sharing a concern for the development of understanding of the nature and origins of leadership hubris. The book originated at conferences held by the Daedalus Trust, which fosters research into challenges to organizational well-being.

The Intoxication of Power is a collection of contributions by thirteen authors from various academic disciplines sharing a concern for the development of understanding of the nature and origins of leadership hubris. The book originated at conferences held by the Daedalus Trust, which fosters research into challenges to organizational well-being.

For some politicians and business leaders, power can become an intoxicating drug, and can affect their actions and decision-making in a most serious way. The ancient Greeks called it hubris, and identified arrogance and contempt for others' opinions as classic traits. They also took comfort in the knowledge that the Gods would punish the guilty ones--nemesis. In this revised edition, David Owen has drawn on new material he has written in Brain and other medical journals. He has also drawn on published memoirs of the main players in the Iraq War and on evidence given to the Iraq Inquiry. All this reinforces his earlier assertion that George W. Bush and Tony Blair developed hubris syndrome during their terms in office. From their behavior, beliefs, and governing style, Owen has analyzed the two leaders, with particular reference to the Iraq War, to show that their handling of the war was a litany of hubristic incompetence. During Blair's premiership, David Owen had several meetings and conversations with him that afforded a unique insight into his modus operandi. In this book, Owen presents a devastating critique of how Blair and Bush manipulated intelligence, ignored informed advice, and failed to plan for the aftermath of regime change in Iraq. Their messianic manner, excessive confidence, and belief that they would be vindicated by a "higher court," brought chaos to Iraq and resulted in hundreds of thousands of civilian casualties.

This is a dystopian social science fiction novel and morality tale. The novel is set in the year 1984, a fictional future in which most of the world has been destroyed by unending war, constant government monitoring, historical revisionism, and propaganda. The totalitarian superstate Oceania, ruled by the Party and known as Airstrip One, now includes Great Britain as a province. The Party uses the Thought Police to repress individuality and critical thought. Big Brother, the tyrannical ruler of Oceania, enjoys a strong personality cult that was created by the party's overzealous brainwashing methods. Winston Smith, the main character, is a hard-working and skilled member of the Ministry of Truth's Outer Party who secretly despises the Party and harbors rebellious fantasies.

“[This] fine history of Prohibition . . . could have a major impact on how we read American political history.”—James A. Morone, New York Times Book Review Prohibition has long been portrayed as a “noble experiment” that failed, a newsreel story of glamorous gangsters, flappers, and speakeasies. Now at last Lisa McGirr dismantles this cherished myth to reveal a much more significant history. Prohibition was the seedbed for a pivotal expansion of the federal government, the genesis of our contemporary penal state. Her deeply researched, eye-opening account uncovers patterns of enforcement still familiar today: the war on alcohol was waged disproportionately in African American, immigrant, and poor white communities. Alongside Jim Crow and other discriminatory laws, Prohibition brought coercion into everyday life and even into private homes. Its targets coalesced into an electoral base of urban, working-class voters that propelled FDR to the White House. This outstanding history also reveals a new genome for the activist American state, one that shows the DNA of the right as well as the left. It was Herbert Hoover who built the extensive penal apparatus used by the federal government to combat the crime spawned by Prohibition. The subsequent federal wars on crime, on drugs, and on terror all display the inheritances of the war on alcohol. McGirr shows the powerful American state to be a bipartisan creation, a legacy not only of the New Deal and the Great Society but also of Prohibition and its progeny. The War on Alcohol is history at its best—original, authoritative, and illuminating of our past and its continuing presence today.

Making liquor isn’t rocket science: some raw materials, a stove, and a few jury-rigged pots are all that’s really needed. So when the colonial regime in turn-of-the-century French Indochina banned homemade rice liquor, replacing it with heavily taxed, tasteless alcohol from French-owned factories, widespread clandestine distilling was the inevitable result. The state’s deeply unpopular alcohol monopoly required extensive systems of surveillance and interdiction and the creation of an unwieldy bureaucracy that consumed much of the revenue it was supposed to collect. Yet despite its heavy economic and political costs, this unproductive policy endured for more than four decades, leaving a lasting mark on Indochinese society, economy, and politics. The alcohol monopoly in Indochina was part of larger economic and political processes unfolding across the globe. New research on fermentation and improved still design drove the capitalization and concentration of the distilling industry worldwide, while modernizing states with increasing capacities to define, tax, and police engaged in a never-ending search for revenue. Indochina’s alcohol regime thus arose from the same convergence of industrial potential and state power that produced everything from Russian vodka to blended Scotch whisky. Yet with rice liquor part of everyday life for millions of Indochinese, young and old, men and women, villagers and city-folk alike, in Indochina these global developments would be indelibly shaped by the colony’s particular geographies, histories, and people. Imperial Intoxication provides a unique window on Indochina between 1860 and 1939. It illuminates the contradictory mix of modern and archaic, power and impotence, civil bureaucracy and military occupation that characterized colonial rule. It highlights the role Indochinese played in shaping the monopoly, whether as reformers or factory workers, illegal distillers or the agents sent to arrest them. And it links these long-ago stories to global processes that continue to play out today.