This volume addresses questions that lie at the core of research into education. It examines the way in which the institutional embeddedness and the social and ethnic composition of students affect educational performance, skill formation, and behavioral outcomes. It discusses the manner in which educational institutions accomplish social integration. It poses the question of whether they can reduce social inequality, – or whether they even facilitate the transformation of heterogeneity into social inequality. Divided into five parts, the volume offers new insights into the many factors, processes and policies that affect performance levels and social inequality in educational institutions. It presents current empirical work on social processes in educational institutions and their outcomes. While its main focus is on the primary and secondary level of education and on occupational training, the book also presents analyses of institutional effects on transitions from vocational training into tertiary educational institutions in an interdisciplinary and internationally comparative approach.

This book provides an overview of recent research on the relationship between noncognitive attributes (motivation, self efficacy, resilience) and academic outcomes (such as grades or test scores). We focus primarily on how these sets of attributes are measured and how they relate to important academic outcomes. Noncognitive attributes are those academically and occupationally relevant skills and traits that are not “cognitive”—that is, not specifically intellectual or analytical in nature. We examine seven attributes in depth and critique the measurement approaches used by researchers and talk about how they can be improved.

Out-of-school factors can significantly impact students' readiness to learn and thrive in school. Research confirms that larger social structures and contexts beyond the school are critical, accounting for up to two-thirds of the variance in student achievement (Coleman et al., 1966; Rothstein, 2010; Phillips, Brooks-Gunn, Duncan, Klebanov, & Crane, 1998; Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000). These out-of-school factors can be particularly pernicious in the context of poverty. For children living in poverty, limited resources and chronic stressors can result in poor attendance, high mobility, social-emotional dysfunction, and lack of readiness for school (Dearing, 2008). Even in the face of significant family strengths (Strauss, 2013), poverty can limit families' abilities to invest money, time and energy in children's growth and expose children to chaos and environmental contagions (Brooks-Gunn & Duncan, 1997; Evans, 2004). Many have argued that schools cannot hope to close the achievement gap without addressing out-of-school factors (Berliner 2013; Bryk, et al., 2010). Historically, schools have addressed some of these factors through the work of school nurses, counselors, social workers, and psychologists, but student support has varied widely, without a standardized set of practices (Lean & Colucci, 2010). The research described here was conducted as part of the evaluation of City Connects, a theoretically-guided, evidence-based approach to addressing out-of-school barriers to achievement and thriving in high-poverty urban elementary schools. This study extends prior research by examining the mechanisms that lead to the positive impact of City Connects on later academic achievement. The research question is: Are the positive effects of City Connects on student academic achievement (standardized test scores) mediated by students' early academic and non-cognitive skills (effort, behavior, work habits)? Although the mediation hypothesis was not confirmed by the data at hand, the study provides evidence that with high-quality elementary school student support, early academic and noncognitive skills lead to later achievement. Tables and figures are appended.

"Offering the first comprehensive analysis of this topic in over 30 years, this book is sure to fuel discussion and debate among researchers, practitioners, and students in developmental psychology, child clinical psychology, child and adolescent psychiatry, criminology, and related disciplines. In the classroom, it is a unique and valuable text for graduate-level courses."--BOOK JACKET.

Over the past few decades, US business and industry have been transformed by the advances and redundancies produced by the knowledge economy. The workplace has changed, and much of the work differs from that performed by previous generations. Can human capital accumulation in the United States keep pace with the evolving demands placed on it, and how can the workforce of tomorrow acquire the skills and competencies that are most in demand? Education, Skills, and Technical Change explores various facets of these questions and provides an overview of educational attainment in the United States and the channels through which labor force skills and education affect GDP growth. Contributors to this volume focus on a range of educational and training institutions and bring new data to bear on how we understand the role of college and vocational education and the size and nature of the skills gap. This work links a range of research areas—such as growth accounting, skill development, higher education, and immigration—and also examines how well students are being prepared for the current and future world of work.

Is the United States "the land of equal opportunity" or is the playing field tilted in favor of those whose parents are wealthy, well educated, and white? If family background is important in getting ahead, why? And if the processes that transmit economic status from parent to child are unfair, could public policy address the problem? Unequal Chances provides new answers to these questions by leading economists, sociologists, biologists, behavioral geneticists, and philosophers. New estimates show that intergenerational inequality in the United States is far greater than was previously thought. Moreover, while the inheritance of wealth and the better schooling typically enjoyed by the children of the well-to-do contribute to this process, these two standard explanations fail to explain the extent of intergenerational status transmission. The genetic inheritance of IQ is even less important. Instead, parent-offspring similarities in personality and behavior may play an important role. Race contributes to the process, and the intergenerational mobility patterns of African Americans and European Americans differ substantially. Following the editors' introduction are chapters by Greg Duncan, Ariel Kalil, Susan E. Mayer, Robin Tepper, and Monique R. Payne; Bhashkar Mazumder; David J. Harding, Christopher Jencks, Leonard M. Lopoo, and Susan E. Mayer; Anders Björklund, Markus Jäntti, and Gary Solon; Tom Hertz; John C. Loehlin; Melissa Osborne Groves; Marcus W. Feldman, Shuzhuo Li, Nan Li, Shripad Tuljapurkar, and Xiaoyi Jin; and Adam Swift.