We estimate the impact of Bolsa Família on a range of education outcomes, including school participation, grade progression, grade repetition, and dropout rates. Using a large-sample household panel survey from 2005–2009 collected for this evaluation, we develop a statistically balanced comparison group of eligible nonparticipant households and estimate impacts using propensity-score-weighted regression. We estimate that Bolsa Família increased average school participation among all children age 6 to 17 years by (a weakly significant) 4.5 percent. It had no effect on grade promotion, on average. However, within the subsample of girls, Bolsa Família caused substantial improvements in schooling outcomes, including significant increases in school participation (8.2 percent) and rates of grade progression (10.4 percent). We show that the gains in girls’ schooling do not derive from catch-up effects, but rather increase girls’ existing advantage in schooling attainment. In general, impacts are larger among older children, in rural areas, and in the Northeast.

In 2000, the Nicaraguan government implemented a conditional cash transfer program designed to improve the nutritional, health, and educational status of poor households, and thereby to reduce short- and long-term poverty. Based on the Mexican government's successful PROGRESA program, Nicaragua's Red de Proteccion Social (RPS) sought to supplement household income, reduce primary school dropout rates, and increase the health care and nutritional status of children under the age of five. This report represents IFPRI's evaluation of phase I of RPS. It shows that the program was effective in low-income areas and particularly effective when addressing health care and education needs. The report offers the first extensive assessment of a Nicaraguan government antipoverty program.

This study investigates effects of a conditional cash transfer programme (CCT) in Brazil - Bolsa Família (BF) - on school outcomes, particularly children's achievements on standardised tests, pass-grade rates, and dropout rates. The educational conditionality of the programme, requiring enrolment in school and minimum school attendance, figures as a major justification for public investment in BF. It is expected that BF will reduce short-term poverty and boost children's human capital, thus inducing long-term socioeconomic improvement. In order to achieve its long-term objective, BF should be able to improve not only enrolment and attendance rates, but also learning outcomes and grade promotion amongst beneficiary children. However, these effects, particularly learning outcomes, have not yet been reported in the literature. The hypothesis investigated in this thesis is that length of time of participation in the programme and per capita cash amounts received by families are key variables in assessing BF's effects on children's educational outcomes. As the programme improves household income, requires a high rate of school attendance, and monitors children's health and nutritional conditions, a positive effect on children's performance should be expected over time. Similarly, the amount of cash paid to families should have an impact on changes induced in the home environment that are beneficial for children's educational outcomes. Empirically, the dissertation combines three national datasets from governmental agencies for the years 2005 and 2007. These data contain information on test scores in Portuguese Language and Mathematics for fourth grade pupils, school context, and BF parameters (intake, time of participation, and cash value), which are used in cross-sectional and panel analyses to test the above hypotheses. The results show that although beneficiaries tend to attend less well-resourced schools, the influence of individual and household characteristics on test scores overshadow that of school resources, suggesting that demand-side interventions might result in gains in children's performances. The cross-sectional analysis at the school level suggests that BF's contribution to school outcomes depends on the length of time of participation and the per capita cash value paid to families. In addition, these two BF parameters have substitute effects, that is, as the per capita cash increases, school performance increases; however, the contribution of time of participation to gains in school performance diminishes and vice-versa. As a sensitive analysis to test the direct effects of length of time of participation and per capita cash on school outcomes, a subsample was used, which includes only schools in which more than 80% of pupils are beneficiaries. Results from this subsample confirm the positive effects of time and cash on school outcomes, although only cash is statistically significant. Furthermore, a school-and-time fixed effects model is estimated using panel data for 2005 and 2007 for the same school outcomes. The results also suggest that improvements in school outcomes are expected over time as a result of exposure to the programme, although this varies across regions. The findings support the idea that improvements in educational opportunities and outcomes for children of low-income families in Brazil require a non-educational policy measure - the reduction of the immediate income poverty - as intended by BF. Nevertheless, there is also an urgent need to address inequalities in standards of education supply and special attention should be given to children whose families are recipients of BF in promoting access to pre-school programmes. Even though educational policies are necessary, they are insufficient to promote human capital amongst the poorest families in Brazil. In this sense, CCTs do not represent an opportunity cost for educational policies. Instead, they are important allies in promoting education access and equity.

Have the lives of the world's poorest, neediest people improved over the past few decades? What policies have lifted some people out of the worst forms of poverty, and what conditions keep others mired within it? The Poorest and Hungry: Assessment, Analyses, and Actions answers such questions, bringing together studies of both what causes and what reduces severe poverty from a diverse group of development specialists. The book focuses on the poorest and hungry in society and identifies areas for action. Stable economic growth; targeted social programs and insurance that invest in and protect nutrition, health, and education; and political and social inclusion of previously marginalized groups emerge as the essential requirements for poverty reduction, and this book's contributors identify strategies for promoting all three. The Poorest and Hungry is an important resource for policymakers, development specialists, and others concerned with helping the world's poorest people.

Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programs aim to reduce poverty by making welfare programs conditional upon the receivers' actions. That is, the government only transfers the money to persons who meet certain criteria. These criteria may include enrolling children into public schools, getting regular check-ups at the doctor's office, receiving vaccinations, or the like. They have been hailed as a way of reducing inequality and helping households break out of a vicious cycle whereby poverty is transmitted from one generation to another. Do these and other claims make sense? Are they supported by the available empirical evidence? This volume seeks to answer these and other related questions. Specifically, it lays out a conceptual framework for thinking about the economic rationale for CCTs; it reviews the very rich evidence that has accumulated on CCTs; it discusses how the conceptual framework and the evidence on impacts should inform the design of CCT programs in practice; and it discusses how CCTs fit in the context of broader social policies. The authors show that there is considerable evidence that CCTs have improved the lives of poor people and argue that conditional cash transfers have been an effective way of redistributing income to the poor. They also recognize that even the best-designed and managed CCT cannot fulfill all of the needs of a comprehensive social protection system. They therefore need to be complemented with other interventions, such as workfare or employment programs, and social pensions.

Conditional cash transfer programmes have been increasingly adopted by several lowand middle-income countries. Despite this overall acceptance, conditionalities remain under scrutiny regarding their possible independent effects on educational and health indicators. This paper is an ecological study of conditionalities in Brazil's Bolsa Família programme. As programme coverage (taken as a proxy of cash transfers) and monitoring and enforcement of the educational conditionalities (proxy of conditionalities) are not correlated at the municipal level, this study fits a number of different ordinary least square (OLS) and growth-curve models to explain variations in drop-out rates and school progression in basic education in public schools across municipalities. ...