religious book

In the backdrop of the then prevailing ideologies of communism and capitalist democracy, the second successor of the Ahmadiyya Movement, Hazrat Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad, addressed this lecture to the Ahmadiyya Annual Gathering on December 28, 1942. The address answers the question, 'How does Ahmadiyyat, the True Islam, propose to deal with the grave problem of socio-economic inequality in the world?' The Ahmadiyya solution is the solution of Islam shaped under divine guidance for present needs by the Holy Founder (a.s.) of the Ahmadiyya movement. The speaker examines and analyses the role played by different movements to alleviate poverty and sufferings, such as, Socialism, International Socialism, Marxism, Bolshevism, Nazism and Fascism and so on. The speaker also, explores the major religions of the world regarding the basic question "social inequality a serious problem." Hazrat Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the Promised Messiah and Mahdi, the founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at, laid down the foundations of the New World Order, by initiating the scheme of Wasiyyat based on Islamic teachings and under the Divine guidance in his book 'Al-Wassiyat' written in 1905. Later in 1934 Hazrat Mirza Bashiruddin Mahmud Ahmad (r.a.) inaugurated Tahrik-e-Jadid to prepare the ground for the full implementation of the New World Order of the institution of Wasiyyat. In the present lecture he elaborates the aims and objectives of Tahrik-e-Jadid and claims that the New World Order in all its aspects, economic, social and religious, as introduced by Nizam-e-Wassiyat, will at the end prevail and a new and genuine revolution will take place.

The Gulf Conflict provides the most authoritative and comprehensive account to date of Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, its expulsion by a coalition of Western and Arab forces seven months later, and the aftermath of the war. Blending compelling narrative history with objective analysis, Lawrence Freedman and Efraim Karsh inquire into the fundamental issues underlying the dispute and probe the strategic calculations of all the participants.

In 2017, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the UAE and Egypt severed diplomatic ties with Qatar, launching an economic blockade by land, air and sea. The self-proclaimed 'Anti-Terror Quartet' offered maximalist demands: thirteen 'conditions' recalling Austria-Hungary's 1914 ultimatum to Serbia. They may even have intended military action. Well into its second year, the standoff in the Gulf has no realistic end in sight. With the Bahraini and Emirati criminalisation of expressing support for Qatar, and the Saudi labelling of detainees as 'traitors' for their alleged Qatari links, bitterness has been stoked between deeply interconnected peoples. The adviser to the Saudi crown prince advocating a moat to physically separate Qatar from the Arabian Peninsula illustrates the ongoing intensity--and irrationality--of the crisis. Most reporting and analysis of these developments has focused on questions of regional geopolitics, and framed the standoff in terms of its impact on (largely) Western interests. Lost in this thicket of commentary is consideration of how the Qatari leadership and population have responded to the blockade. As the 2022 FIFA World Cup draws closer, the ongoing Qatar crisis becomes increasingly important to understand. Ulrichsen offers an authoritative study of this international standoff, from both sides.

Since the end of the Cold War and the 1990/91 Gulf war, the Middle East has been in the grip of dramatic changes. The region faces a host of problems urgently in need of solutions if a successful new world order is to be built on the ruins of the old. In this book, an international group of scholars addresses these issues and considers the options for the political and economic reconstruction of the Middle East. Themes covered include: democratization; the Arab state system in the new global environment; the end of Marxism in the Middle East; security structures; the Arab-Israeli conflict; the role of pan-Islamism and pan-Arabism; and the prospects for economic revival. Case-studies are drawn from the whole region, from North Africa to the Arabian Peninsula.

An examination of the Gulf War conflict looks as the history of strike in the Middle East, the key individuals involved, and the consequences of this event.

The Persian Gulf crisis may well have been the most extensively polled episode in U.S. history as President Bush, his opponents, and even Saddam Hussein appealed to, and tried to influence, public opinion. As well documented as this phenomenon was, it remains largely unexplained. John Mueller provides an account of the complex relationship between American policy and public opinion during the Gulf crisis. Mueller analyzes key issues: the actual shallowness of public support for war; the effect of public opinion on the media (rather than the other way around); the use and misuse of polls by policy makers; the American popular focus on Hussein's ouster as a central purpose of the War; and the War's short-lived impact on voting. Of particular interest is Mueller's conclusion that Bush succeeded in leading the country to war by increasingly convincing the public that it was inevitable, rather than right or wise. Throughout, Mueller, author of War, Presidents, and Public Opinion, an analysis of public opinion during the Korean and Vietnam wars, places this analysis of the Gulf crisis in a broad political and military context, making comparisons to wars in Panama, Vietnam, Korea, and the Falklands, as well as to World War II and even the War of 1812. The book also collects nearly 300 tables charting public opinion through the Gulf crisis, making Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War an essential reference for anyone interested in recent American politics, foreign policy, public opinion, and survey research.