'The contempt for ordinary people and for patriotism that the politically correct have is unconcealed. They have successfully infiltrated ... public institutions from where they can enforce their creed on everyone else. Importantly, they further get access to public monies ... the consequences are far reaching.'In the West, political correctness is the ascendant ideology since the rise of the so-called New Left in the 1960s. It has infiltrated the public sector and its devotees have gained access to legislative powers of enforcement and, importantly, public monies.Dissent is not tolerated. Dissenters, even children, are persecuted. Minorities are deemed victims and as being oppressed, while the majority are deemed the oppressors. A hatred of the West is aggressively promoted. Terrorism is excused.Free Speech is not allowed. Only politically correct views are tolerated. The media present propaganda instead of the truth.Human Rights are corrupted into being a vehicle for political correctness with lots of fees for its advocates.Sex attacks on women and even children by immigrants are covered up, if not tolerated.Democracy is undermined as bureaucrats and international organizations highjack the powers of the nation state. The interests and opinions of ordinary people are ignored.Economies are plundered. High taxes are imposed. In Europe, the interests of the EU take priority over national prosperity. The 'chauvinism of prosperity' is condemned.Race War Politics is aggressively promoted. White people are deemed racist, unless they advocate political correctness, and a repopulation policy of mass immigration is enforced against the express wishes and interests of the host nation.The zealotry and conflict political correctness brings is the product of its communist heritage, going as far back as the Communist Manifesto of 1848. It has been rightly described as 'cultural Marxism'.'Like vampires, communists lurk in dark places away from the sunlight of public awareness. For them to succeed, it is important that their activities are not recognised until it is too late. So they crawl about various government, charity, and other public organizations, feeding off ordinary peoples' monies.'

The twenty-second Munk Debate pits acclaimed journalist, professor, and ordained minister Michael Eric Dyson and New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg against renowned actor and writer Stephen Fry and University of Toronto professor and author Jordan Peterson to debate the implications of political correctness and freedom of speech. Is political correctness an enemy of free speech, open debate, and the free exchange of ideas? Or, by confronting head-on the dominant power relationships and social norms that exclude marginalized groups are we creating a more equitable and just society? For some the argument is clear. Political correctness is stifling the free and open debate that fuels our democracy. It is also needlessly dividing one group from another and promoting social conflict. Others insist that creating public spaces and norms that give voice to previously marginalized groups broadens the scope of free speech. The drive towards inclusion over exclusion is essential to creating healthy, diverse societies in an era of rapid social change.

Political Correctness Does More Harm Than Good! It's a surprising assertion. Isn't PC culture all about kindness? About protecting victimized groups? If you trace the history of political correctness, the answer is emphatically no. It has other goals in mind and has since its inception with thinkers like Rousseau. Author Douglas Kruger traces the unfolding ideology from its dark genesis (the French Revolution and subsequent terror) through its various incarnations- Marxism, relativism, post-modernism, and all the way to today's identity-politics. He points out the flaws, fallacies, and in many cases, the body-counts these ideologies have wracked up. Uniquely, this book then goes one step further. It is not merely descriptive history; it is not just explanatory philosophy. This is a debate guide, a how-to manual for those interested in attacking these harmful ideas head on. Do you know how to articulate what is wrong with "woke" arguments? Do you know how to defend the Western tradition against relentless onslaught from the PC-Police? Here is how, step by step and argument by argument. Become a master at identifying, debunking, and dismantling dangerous ideas. Add your voice to the culture wars and learn precisely how to fight for tried and tested Western values-values like science, democracy, logic, rule of law, and the Judeo-Christian tradition of human rights and values. As it turns out, you can have truth, or you can have political correctness, but you can't have both. Award-winning speaker and author Douglas Kruger also provides you with supplemental "how-to" videos on his site www.BreakingWoke.com.

The Plot to Change America exposes the myths that help identity politics perpetuate itself. This book reveals what has really happened, explains why it is urgent to change course, and offers a strategy to do so. Though we should not fool ourselves into thinking that it will be easy to eliminate identity politics, we should not overthink it, either. Identity politics relies on the creation of groups and then on giving people incentives to adhere to them. If we eliminate group making and the enticements, we can get rid of identity politics. The first myth that this book exposes is that identity politics is a grassroots movement, when from the beginning it has been, and continues to be, an elite project. For too long, we have lived with the fairy tale that America has organically grown into a nation gripped by victimhood and identitarian division; that it is all the result of legitimate demands by minorities for recognition or restitutions for past wrongs. The second myth is that identity politics is a response to the demographic change this country has undergone since immigration laws were radically changed in 1965. Another myth we are told is that to fight these changes is as depraved as it is futile, since by 2040, America will be a minority-majority country, anyway. This book helps to explain that none of these things are necessarily true.

Why stable banking systems are so rare Why are banking systems unstable in so many countries—but not in others? The United States has had twelve systemic banking crises since 1840, while Canada has had none. The banking systems of Mexico and Brazil have not only been crisis prone but have provided miniscule amounts of credit to business enterprises and households. Analyzing the political and banking history of the United Kingdom, the United States, Canada, Mexico, and Brazil through several centuries, Fragile by Design demonstrates that chronic banking crises and scarce credit are not accidents. Calomiris and Haber combine political history and economics to examine how coalitions of politicians, bankers, and other interest groups form, why they endure, and how they generate policies that determine who gets to be a banker, who has access to credit, and who pays for bank bailouts and rescues. Fragile by Design is a revealing exploration of the ways that politics inevitably intrudes into bank regulation.

Brassiere Hills, Alaska. Mollys Nipple, Utah. Outhouse Draw, Nevada. In the early twentieth century, it was common for towns and geographical features to have salacious, bawdy, and even derogatory names. In the age before political correctness, mapmakers readily accepted any local preference for place names, prizing accurate representation over standards of decorum. Thus, summits such as Squaw Tit—which towered above valleys in Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada, and California—found their way into the cartographic annals. Later, when sanctions prohibited local use of racially, ethnically, and scatalogically offensive toponyms, town names like Jap Valley, California, were erased from the national and cultural map forever. From Squaw Tit to Whorehouse Meadow probes this little-known chapter in American cartographic history by considering the intersecting efforts to computerize mapmaking, standardize geographic names, and respond to public concern over ethnically offensive appellations. Interweaving cartographic history with tales of politics and power, celebrated geographer Mark Monmonier locates his story within the past and present struggles of mapmakers to create an orderly process for naming that avoids confusion, preserves history, and serves different political aims. Anchored by a diverse selection of naming controversies—in the United States, Canada, Cyprus, Israel, Palestine, and Antarctica; on the ocean floor and the surface of the moon; and in other parts of our solar system—From Squaw Tit to Whorehouse Meadow richly reveals the map’s role as a mediated portrait of the cultural landscape. And unlike other books that consider place names, this is the first to reflect on both the real cartographic and political imbroglios they engender. From Squaw Tit to Whorehouse Meadow is Mark Monmonier at his finest: a learned analysis of a timely and controversial subject rendered accessible—and even entertaining—to the general reader.

What would happen if we could stroll through the revolutionary history of the 20th century and, without any fear of the possible responses, ask the main protagonists - from Lenin to Che Guevara, from Alexandra Kollontai to Ulrike Meinhof - seemingly naïve questions about love? Although all important political and social changes of the 20th century included heated debates on the role of love, it seems that in the 21st century of new technologies of the self (Grindr, Tinder, online dating, etc.) we are faced with a hyperinflation of sex, not love. By going back to the sexual revolution of the October Revolution and its subsequent repression, to Che's dilemma between love and revolutionary commitment and to the period of '68 (from communes to terrorism) and its commodification in late capitalism, the Croatian philosopher Srecko Horvat gives a possible answer to the question of why it is that the most radical revolutionaries like Lenin or Che were scared of the radicality of love. What is so radical about a seemingly conservative notion of love and why is it anything but conservative? This short book is a modest contribution to the current upheavals around the world - from Tahrir to Taksim, from Occupy Wall Street to Hong Kong, from Athens to Sarajevo - in which the question of love is curiously, surprisingly, absent.