Drawing on case studies in areas of social and economic concern, this interdisciplinary collection explores how foundational experiments can foster collective consumption and promote social justice.

The foundational economy is everywhere: from clean water to care homes, schools to hospitals, these vital services were established between 1880 and 1980 to be collectively paid for, collectively delivered and collectively consumed. This essential framework has transformed the lives of billions, but in the last generation it has come under considerable attack. Privatisation, market choice and outsourcing have depleted the material infrastructure at the core of everyday life, and the foundational economy is in desperate need of renewal. This book sets out the principles and initiatives to end the degradation of the foundational economy and restore its essential place in society. In the face of our growing needs, the authors argue, politics must refocus on foundational consumption and universal minimum access and quality.

Privatisation, market choice, outsourcing: these are the watchwords that have shaped policy in numerous democratic states in the last generation. The end result is the degradation of the foundational economy. The foundational economy encompasses the material infrastructure at the foundation of civilised life – things like water pipes and sewers – and the providential services like education, health care and care for the old which are at the base of any civilised life. This book shows how these services were built up in the century between 1880 and 1980 so that they were collectively paid for, collectively delivered and collectively consumed. This system of provision has been undermined in the age of privatisation and outsourcing. The book describes the principles that should guide renewal of the foundational economy and the initiatives which could begin to put these principles into practice.

This book shows how the foundational economy - public services, infrastructure, education and health care - was built up between 1880 and 1980 so that they were collectively paid for, collectively delivered and collectively consumed. This system of provision has been undermined in the age of privatisation and outsourcing.

The relationship between the family and civil society has always been complex, with the family often regarded as separate from, or even oppositional to, civil society. Taking a fresh empirical approach, Muddiman, Power and Taylor reveal how such separation underestimates the important role the family plays in civil society. Considering the impact of family events, dinner table debates, intergenerational transmission of virtues and the role of the mother, this enlightening book draws on survey data from 1000 young people, a sample of their parents and grandparents, and extended family interviews, to uncover how civil engagement, activism and political participation are inherited and fostered within the home.

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"This is a proposal for a short book (of around 50,000 words) that speaks directly to the state we are in. The populist insurgency on both sides of the Atlantic and in Europe has deep roots in decades of mismanagement of economic and cultural change and as a result there are large groups of people who feel they no longer belong to the societies they live in, the disinfranchised, the left behind. The appeal of the anti-liberal populists who have emerged is that they convince those who feel left behind that national leaders are no longer working in their interests hence the rhetoric of 'putting America first' and 'making America great again' or the Brexiteers claining that they are 'taking back control.' In undemocractic regimes elsewhere populists play on people's feelings of insecurity in an unpredictable and fast changing world, promising security and order in exchange for democratic freedom. Liberal openness has been put on the defensive so it is up to us, electorates, politicians and policy makers, to show how an open and liberal economic system can once again belong to everyone. In the second part of the book Martin Sandbu outlines four key areas of economic policy that he believes will address not just the symptoms but the underlying causes of the current inequality which has led to so many people, especially the young and the most vulnerable being left behind. These include productivity, regional development, improved access to business finance for SMEs, and increaed representation for workers. He makes a number of other recommendaitons regarding housing, education for all, universal basic income and taxation. He concludes by saying that while these proposals add up to a radical package in total they are necessary reforms to ensure a sense of belonging and without them we could be opening the door to a radicalism which is both illiberal and undemocratic"--