A case study of a multi-ethnic Muslim state and a contribution to the study of the domestic functions of foreign policy. The book also addresses the real and imagined significance of Islam as a force in contemporary global politics.

This book captures Malaysia's foreign policy over the first fifty years and beyond since the date of the country's formal independence in 1957. The author provides "macro-historical" narratives of foreign policy practices and outcomes over distinct time periods under the tenures of the five prime ministers. One chapter delves into relations with immediate neighbouring states and another chapter analyses the political economy of foreign policy. A postscript deals with the transition of foreign policy beyond the fifth decade. The concluding chapter suggests that Malaysian middlepowermanship has been in the making in foreign policy practice being particularly evident since the Mahathir years. Employing a critical-constructivist approach throughout the study, the author posits that foreign policy should be appreciated as outcomes of socio-political-economic processes embedded within a Malaysian political culture. In terms of broad policy orientations, Malaysian foreign policy over five decades has navigated over the terrains of neutralism, regionalism, globalization and Islamism. However, the critical engagement of civil society in foreign policy construction remains a formidable challenge.

Small and developing states make up the majority of participants in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO), and Malaysia is one of these. The numerous previous studies on Malaysia’s UNPKO are primarily historical narratives which focus on practical, policy-related issues and due process, making no attempt to synchronize the nexus between theory and policy analysis. Nor do they cover the theoretical aspect which can operationalize and address the question of the roles played by Malaysia’s domestic actors (foreign policy executives, legislature, military, media, public opinion) in the respective decision-making processes as well as those of external level, such as international power politics and geopolitical considerations. In other words, they are predominantly a historical narrative of only several Malaysia’s UNPKO. This book fills the critical gap. It deliberates on the respective national and international decision-making processes, especially from the Malaysian point of view, and analyses the theoretical and practical impacts of Malaysia’s UNPKO in understanding international politics. Apart from providing a well-researched account of Malaysia’s UNPKO across the globe for 50 years, i.e. 1960-2010, this book examines the determinants by using qualitative data, particularly key-informant interviews and documentary analysis. Thus, while most studies of Malaysia’s UNPKO single out domestic imperatives as the most vital determinant, this book, on the contrary, comprehensively identifies the prevailing world security order as the most important determinant influencing Malaysia’s UNPKO, followed by the domestic ones.

When Malaysian Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak Hussein, paid an official visit to China in May 1974, it secured Malaysia a place in the annals of regional diplomatic history as the first ASEAN country to establish full diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China. This book analyses the process of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Malaysia and China, and provides a detailed explanation and understanding of the decision- making process in Malaysia. Shedding light on the roles played by the various principal actors in the process of foreign policy formulation and the influences - both internal and external – that shaped Malaysia’s behaviour, the book highlights why Malaysia decided to pursue a policy of normalisation with China, culminating in the visit in 1974, and in particular why it became the first ASEAN country to establish diplomatic relations with the Chinese. After Malaysia’s recognition of Beijing, two other ASEAN states followed suit, namely Thailand and the Philippines, and the book discusses whether there was some degree of policy coordination amongst ASEAN countries in dealing with China, or if both these countries gave way for Malaysia to be the first. The book also looks at the policy debates within some ASEAN countries regarding relations with China, either conducted officially or unofficially, bilaterally or otherwise. This book will be of interest to scholars of Asian Politics, Asian History, International Relations and Foreign Policy.

Malaysia is one of the most intriguing countries in Asia in many respects. It consists of several distinct areas, not only geographically but ethnically as well; along with Malays and related groups, the country has a very large Indian and Chinese population. The spoken languages obviously vary at home, although Bahasa Malaysia is the official language and nearly everyone speaks English. There is also a mixture of religions, with Islam predominating among the Malays and others, Hinduism and Sikhism among the Indians, mainly Daoism and Confucianism among the Chinese, but also some Christians as well as older indigenous beliefs in certain places. This second edition of Historical Dictionary of Malaysia contains a chronology, an introduction, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 500 cross-referenced entries on important personalities, politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture. This book is an excellent resource for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about Malaysia.

In All the Way with JFK? Peter Busch shatters many a myth about Anglo-American relations and the Vietnam War. Demolishing the scholarly consensus thtat Britain was in constant pursuit of peace in Indochina, he shows that the British government ruled out a negotiated settlement, advised JohnF. Kennedy to conceal the American military build-up, and helped to put the blame for the escalating conflict squarely on the communist regime in Hanoi. Simultaneously, Britain increased its own involvement in the conflict by sending Robert Thompson as the head of a team of counter-insurgencyexperts to South Vietnam. The detailed analysis of the British Advisory Mission disproves the oft-repeated view that Thompson was the brain behind the strategic hamlet programme, in which Kennedy and his administration put so much faith. However, the British experts were convinced of theprogramme's eventual success, and Thompson told Kennedy in 1963 that the South Vietnamese were winning the war.Drawing on newly released documents from archives in Britain, the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and East Germany, the compelling story of Britain's involvement in Vietnam is set in the context of the Cold War in South-East Asia. While Britain was en route to getting more deeplyinvolved in Vietnam, Indonesia's confrontation policy re-focused London's attention to the Malayan area in 1963. Britain wanted to demonstrate to the world, and particularly to President Kennedy, the Australians, and the New Zealanders, that it was still willing and able to safeguard Commonwealthinterests in South-East Asia. Indeed, Whitehall's unequivocal defence commitment to Malaysia, coupled with the British military build-up in the area, was completely consistent with Britain's Vietnam policy.All the Way with JFK? proves that the British could not think of a viable alternative to Kennedy's Vietnam policy that might have helped the US avoid the quagmire. Far from playing the role of peacemaker, Britain supported Kennnedy's policy of seeking a decisive military victory in Vietnam.