This work aims to shed light on the evolution of the Lebanese political arena after the withdrawal of Syrian troops in April 2005 by analyzing the perceptions of Hizballah among members of the Free Patriotic Movement (FPM), as the alliance between the two groups enters its fourth year. Hizballah is generally well portrayed among FPM members although the two constituencies have very few elements in common. Different backgrounds, confessions, political views and cultural traits distinguish them.

After six decades of protracted refugeehood, patterns of social identification are changing among the young people of the fourth refugee generation in the Palestinian refugee camp Burj al-Shamali in Southern Lebanon. Though their identity as Palestinian refugees remains the same compared to older refugee generations, there is an important shift in the young refugees’ relationship towards the homeland, their status as refugees, Islam, the camp society, as well as in their relationship towards religious or ethnic “others” in and outside Lebanon. This ePaper examines how technology, globalisation and outside influences have impacted the young Palestinians’ interpretation of their identity and their understanding of Palestinianness. The author concludes with reflections on the young refugees’ attitudes towards their Palestinian identity in the diaspora, which, as she argues, can only survive when the young refugees see their identity as a virtue rather than as a hindrance.

This book explores the thirty-year trajectory of the Free Patriotic Movement that aimed to achieve the freedom, sovereignty and independence of Lebanon from the Lebanese political elite and Syrian hegemony. It sheds light on the movement’s activism, changes and sectarianism throughout the stages of movement emergence, persistence and party transformation. The author shows how the movement built on opportunities that culminated in its rise, both in civil society and nationally, despite a number of challenges. The book also reveals the formation of intricate units and communication channels to mobilize activism and increase commitment to the movement’s cause. While discussing the significance of Michel Aoun and Gebran Bassil to the future of the FPM, the author asserts that various party dimensions and practices are conditioned by regional and international politics.

The principle of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of states is one of the most venerable principles of international law. Although not expressly mentioned in the Charter of the United Nations, at least as an inter-state prohibition, the principle currently appears in a plethora of treaties and UN General Assembly resolutions and has been invoked like a mantra by states of all geographical and political denominations. Despite this, the determination of its exact content has remained an enigma. International Law and the Principle of Non-Intervention: History, Theory, and Interactions with Other Principles solves this enigma by exploring what constitutes an 'intervention' in international law and when interventions are unlawful. These questions are approached from three different perspectives, which are reflected in the book's structure: historical, theoretical, and systematic. Through a comprehensive survey of primary documents and of over 200 cases of intervention from the mid-18th century to the present day, as well as an extensive literature search, this work provides an in-depth analysis of the principle of non-intervention which links it to fundamental notions of international law, including sovereignty, use of force, self-determination, and human rights protection.

This book provides a systematic analysis of the principle of non-intervention from a historical, theoretical, and systematic perspective. Roscini argues that the principle is strictly linked to some fundamental notions of international law, such as sovereignty, use of force, self-determination, and human rights protection.

This edited volume examines asymmetric conflict dynamics through the politics of recognition vis-à-vis armed non-state actors. It explores a diverse range of case studies and considers the risks and opportunities that (non-)recognition may involve for transforming armed conflicts.

Lebanon hosts the highest number of refugees per capita worldwide and is central to European policies of outsourcing migration management. Hybrid Political Order and the Politics of Uncertainty is the first book to critically and comprehensively explore the parallels between the country’s engagement with the recent Syrian refugee influx and the more protracted Palestinian presence. Drawing on fieldwork, qualitative case-studies, and critical policy analysis, it questions the dominant idea that the haphazardness, inconsistency, and fragmentation of refugee governance are only the result of forced displacement or host state fragility and the related capacity problems. It demonstrates that the endemic ambiguity that determines refugee governance also results from a lack of political will to create coherent and comprehensive rules of engagement to address refugee ‘crises.’ Building on emerging literatures in the fields of critical refugee studies, hybrid governance, and ignorance studies, it proposes an innovative conceptual framework to capture the spatial, temporal, and procedural dimensions of the uncertainty that refugees face and to tease out the strategic components of the reproduction and extension of such informality, liminality, and exceptionalism. In developing the notion of a ‘politics of uncertainty,’ ambiguity is explored as a component of a governmentality that enables the control, exploitation, and expulsion of refugees. Introduction Chapter of this book is available for free in PDF format as Open Access from the individual product page at www.routledge.com. It has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license.