Commercial properties have considerably different amounts of personal property as part of their total parcel value, depending on the nature of the business situated on the parcel. Given the differences between and even within states in the tax treatment of various types of personal property, different types of businesses can experience very different effective tax rates on parcels with identical real property value. This research explores issues related to the development and application of a methodology to measure these differences and incorporate them into the 50-State Property Tax Comparison Study jointly produced by the Minnesota Center for Fiscal Excellence and the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. We find that there are considerable differences in effective tax rates between different types of commercial parcels. Rankings can also shift considerably between the results for commercial property as published in the 50-State Study and the various alternatives we explored. Nevertheless, we conclude that the current study assumptions realistically model the property taxes payable on the most common type of commercial property, office property. We also suggest an approach to presenting more information and perspective on the influence of personal property within the 50-State Property Tax Comparison Study.

The use of property tax incentives for business by local governments throughout the United States has escalated over the last 50 years. While there is little evidence that these tax incentives are an effective instrument to promote economic development, they cost state and local governments $5 to $10 billion each year in forgone revenue. Three major obstacles can impede the success of property tax incentives as an economic development tool. First, incentives are unlikely to have a significant impact on a firm's profitability since property taxes are a small part of the total costs for most businesses--averaging much less than 1 percent of total costs for the U.S. manufacturing sector. Second, tax breaks are sometimes given to businesses that would have chosen the same location even without the incentives. When this happens, property tax incentives merely deplete the tax base without promoting economic development. Third, widespread use of incentives within a metropolitan area reduces their effectiveness, because when firms can obtain similar tax breaks in most jurisdictions, incentives are less likely to affect business location decisions. This report reviews five types of property tax incentives and examines their characteristics, costs, and effectiveness: property tax abatement programs; tax increment finance; enterprise zones; firm-specific property tax incentives; and property tax exemptions in connection with issuance of industrial development bonds. Alternatives to tax incentives should be considered by policy makers, such as customized job training, labor market intermediaries, and business support services. State and local governments also can pursue a policy of broad-based taxes with low tax rates or adopt split-rate property taxation with lower taxes on buildings than land.State policy makers are in a good position to increase the effectiveness of property tax incentives since they control how local governments use them. For example, states can restrict the use of incentives to certain geographic areas or certain types of facilities; publish information on the use of property tax incentives; conduct studies on their effectiveness; and reduce destructive local tax competition by not reimbursing local governments for revenue they forgo when they award property tax incentives.Local government officials can make wiser use of property tax incentives for business and avoid such incentives when their costs exceed their benefits. Localities should set clear criteria for the types of projects eligible for incentives; limit tax breaks to mobile facilities that export goods or services out of the region; involve tax administrators and other stakeholders in decisions to grant incentives; cooperate on economic development with other jurisdictions in the area; and be clear from the outset that not all businesses that ask for an incentive will receive one.Despite a generally poor record in promoting economic development, property tax incentives continue to be used. The goal is laudable: attracting new businesses to a jurisdiction can increase income or employment, expand the tax base, and revitalize distressed urban areas. In a best case scenario, attracting a large facility can increase worker productivity and draw related firms to the area, creating a positive feedback loop. This report offers recommendations to improve the odds of achieving these economic development goals.

State and local government tax revenues dropped steeply following the most severe housing market contraction since the Great Depression. The authors identify five main channels through which the housing market affects state and local tax revenues: property tax revenues, transfer tax revenues, sales tax revenues, and personal income tax revenues. They find that property tax revenues do not tend to decrease following house price declines. The other four channels have had a relatively modest effect on state tax revenues. These channels jointly reduced tax revenues by $15 billion from 2005 to 2009, which is about 2% of total state own-source revenues in 2005. Charts and tables. This is a print on demand publication.

This book examines the issues and consequences of a declining property tax base with respect to local government autonomy. Some of the nation's leading scholars provide their views on how the property tax effects intergovernmental relations, local autonomy, and education finance. --from publisher description