Abstract: We explore the effect of income mobility and the persistence of redistributive tax policy on the level of redistribution in democratic societies. An infinite-horizon theoretical model is developed, and the properties of the equilibrium tax rate and the degree of after-tax inequality are characterized. Mobility and stickiness of tax policy are both negatively related to the equilibrium tax rate. However, neither is sufficient by itself. Social mobility has no effect on equilibrium taxes if tax policy is voted on in every period, and tax persistence has no effect in the absence of social mobility. The two forces are complementary. Tax persistence leads to higher levels of post-tax inequality, for any amount of mobility. The effect of mobility on inequality is less clear-cut and depends on the degree of tax persistence. A laboratory experiment is conducted to test the main comparative static predictions of the theory, and the results are generally supportive

A widely accepted result, associated with Louis Kaplow and Steve Shavell, is that it is more costly to use legal rules to redistribute income than to use the tax and transfer system (the income-tax only result). An assumption behind this result is that if a legal rule is changed to eliminate its income-redistributive effects, the tax and transfer system can be adjusted to counteract the effects of those changes on the distribution of income. A number of commentators have questioned this assumption, suggesting that political constraints may limit the ability of the tax and transfer system to adjust to changes in legal rules. They conclude that legal rules should sometimes, or always, be designed to redistribute income.Building on this critique, this paper considers how adding political constraints on redistribution changes the income-tax only result. After examining what we know about the effectiveness of the tax and transfer system in redistributing income, the paper considers a political constraints that limit adjustments to the tax and transfer system, in each case examining the implications for the income-tax only result. It concludes that adding political constraints strengthens rather than weakens the result. There are two key considerations.First, legal rules may be regressive as well as progressive. To the extent that the wealthy control the political system and seek to redistribute wealth upwards, allowing the use of legal rules may make it easier for the wealthy to do so because redistribution using legal rules is less transparent than redistribution via the tax system. Second, allowing the use of legal rules to redistribute may lead to tit-for-tax strategies when coalitions change, with coalitions that favor less redistribution enacting regressive legal rules and coalitions that favor more redistribution enacting progressive legal rules. The net result is a loss in the effectiveness of legal rules with unclear effects on the distribution of income. The income-tax only approach mitigates this effect.

This book examines why democracy has failed to deliver effective solutions to income inequality problems over the last four decades, and if democracy can offer solutions to various increases in inequality in the future. It also addresses what elements are necessary for democracy to serve as an effective alternative for addressing inequality issues. Historical experiences over the past 40 years, including the global financial crisis, not only underscore the need for fresh perspectives on income inequality in economics but also question the ability of democracy to continue providing alternatives for addressing the escalating forms of inequality. Seo and Kang’s response to these inquiries diverge from conventional research in several significant ways. Primarily, what sets this research apart from existing studies is its intensified focus on income inequality as a product of the complex interplay between the political and economic domains, rather than a standalone examination of income inequality in isolation. Through a political economy perspective, this book argues that income inequality and income redistribution are shaped by the institutions, policies, and laws generated by the political system, with their formation and nature being determined by the power distribution among socio-political groups. A useful resource not only to researchers who study political phenomena in the field of economics, but also to scholars who study economic phenomena in the field of politics. Furthermore, it will be particularly intriguing for policy makers concerned with issues of inequality and income redistribution.

Eight papers, both theoretical and applied, on the concept of equality of opportunity which says that a society should guarantee its members equal access to advantage regardless of their circumstances, while holding them responsible for turning that access into actual advantage by the application of effort.

Even minute increases in a country's growth rate can result in dramatic changes in living standards over just one generation. The benefits of growth, however, may not be shared equally. Some may gain less than others, and a fraction of the population may actually be disadvantaged. Recent economic research has found both positive and negative relationships between growth and inequality across nations. The questions raised by these results include: What is the impact on inequality of policies designed to foster growth? Does inequality by itself facilitate or detract from economic growth, and does it amplify or diminish policy effectiveness? This book provides a forum for economists to examine the theoretical, empirical, and policy issues involved in the relationship between growth and inequality. The aim is to develop a framework for determining the role of public policy in enhancing both growth and equality. The diverse range of topics, examined in both developed and developing countries, includes natural resources, taxation, fertility, redistribution, technological change, transition, labor markets, and education. A theme common to all the essays is the importance of education in reducing inequality and increasing growth.

Aggregate crises often bring tremendous economic disruptions, which may persist for many years. Understanding their consequences and how to effectively design crisis-coping policies is therefore of capital importance. The aggregate effects of crises and the stabilising role of macroeconomic policies have been significantly studied in the literature. Much less attention, however, has been given to the distributional effects of crises and even less to the possible interactions between these effects and the post-crisis evolution of aggregate outcomes. If a crisis-led increase in inequality can feedback into an anemic recovery of economic activity, then the tax and transfer system may have a role in stabilising not only the income distribution but also the macroeconomy. Understanding how the system may affect both distributional and aggregate developments in a crisis aftermath is therefore key. This thesis aims at shedding new light on these issues, using multiple methodologies and datasets both at the micro and macro level, applying both an empirical and theoretical approach.The first paper provides a detailed assessment of the evolution of income inequality and the redistributive effects of the tax and transfer system following the 2007-2008 crisis, in the US. Using a wide range of indicators, it looks at several sections of the income distribution and analyses the contribution of different components of the tax and transfer system. The second paper develops a new method to model the household disposable income distribution and decompose changes in this distribution over time, integrating both a microeconometric and microsimulation approach. It applies the method to the study of changes in the income distribution in Portugal following the 2007-2008 crisis, accounting for the effects of the crisis and of the aftermath fiscal stimulus and consolidation policies. The third paper develops a theoretical heterogeneous agents DSGE model, with both ex-ante and ex-post household heterogeneity and unemployment insurance. It presents the results of a first quantitative experiment, studying the distributional and aggregate effects of a crisis and the role of unemployment insurance in shaping these effects, under several hypothetical crisis scenarios.Several conclusions can be drawn from the results obtained in this thesis. First, aggregate crises may have substantial heterogeneous effects across the income distribution, being particularly penalising for lower income groups, and these effects may be highly persistent. Second, the tax and transfer system can crucially shape distributional developments following a crisis. A strong tax and transfer system may fully cushion a crisis-led increase in inequality, while a weak one may deepen it. Beyond the effects of automatic stabilisers, discretionary policy choices may have substantial effects. Third, not only the size but also the design of the tax and transfer system matters for its role in times of crisis. In particular, a more progressive instrument will have a higher stabilising effect than a flat one, both at the distributional and aggregate level. Fourth, policies aimed at stabilising aggregate outcomes in times of crisis may have significant "collateral" effects on the income distribution. In particular, the implementation of consolidation measures may reinforce income losses induced by the contractionary effects of the crisis and increase the heterogeneity of the effects of a crisis on households' incomes. Finally, household heterogeneity and social insurance matter for the transmission of an aggregate crisis to aggregate outcomes. A crisis will lead to a higher contraction of aggregate consumption in a world where there are both ex-ante and ex-post sources of household heterogeneity than in a world where there is only ex-post heterogeneity. Furthermore, a crisis will imply a smaller contraction of aggregate consumption in a world with social insurance than in a world without.