Fifty some years after an American Revolution which did not occur, a prosperous UnitedStates of British America is staggered to learn Parliament in London is considering a billto emancipate all the Empire's slaves within seven years. How does the Dominion reactas a whole? How does the slaveholding American South react? Can Governor-GeneralAndrew Jackson and the Dominion government maintain order? And how does theEmpire's enemies react to the prospect of unrest in North America? The prosperous British Empire dominion called the United States of British America isrocked when the Duke of Wellington arrives unexpectedly to announce that Parliament isputting the finishing touches on emancipation legislation scheduled to free all slaves heldin the Empire---including the American South---in seven years. Governor-General Andrew Jackson is maneuvering to keep the crisis from explodingwhen an unthinkable act convinces John C. Calhoun that he can save the "peculiarinstitution"...and cement the South's weakening grip on Dominion political power.Meanwhile, Gen. Winfield Scott worries about his ability to maintain Dominionauthority---in Quebec as well as Dixie---should half his professional officers "go South."Will London's decision to abolish slavery boomerang when the Empire's enemies---Russia and France---attempt to play the crisis to their own advantages? And what ofthat Czarist army now occupying Syria...and threatening to march on the Imperialpossessions in India? A colorful cast of historical characters, including Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, JeffersonDavis, Robert E. Lee, Zachary Taylor and Martin Van Buren in Georgetown, D.C.collaborate and conspire with and against Foreign Secretary Lord Palmerston in Londonand Czar Nicholas I in St. Petersburg.They are joined by vivid fictional characters including a brash young Army intelligenceaide, a tough British diplomat, a Georgetown bureaucrat with a gift for amorousespionage and a diabolical Russian secret agent. As well as their ladies: a politically-awakening Southern belle, a wealthy (and lusty) plantation widow, a frail but iron-willedRussian countess and a disreputable tavern/brothel owner. And an imposing former slave-turned-minister/freedom smuggler.As the political crisis threatens to explode into civil war, one man may hold the key: adisgraced former USBA Vice Governor-General (and shadowy New York political boss)... Aaron Burr.

Americans often think of their nation’s history as a movement toward ever-greater democracy, equality, and freedom. Wars in this story are understood both as necessary to defend those values and as exceptions to the rule of peaceful progress. In The Dominion of War, historians Fred Anderson and Andrew Cayton boldly reinterpret the development of the United States, arguing instead that war has played a leading role in shaping North America from the sixteenth century to the present. Anderson and Cayton bring their sweeping narrative to life by structuring it around the lives of eight men—Samuel de Champlain, William Penn, George Washington, Andrew Jackson, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, Ulysses S. Grant, Douglas MacArthur, and Colin Powell. This approach enables them to describe great events in concrete terms and to illuminate critical connections between often-forgotten imperial conflicts, such as the Seven Years’ War and the Mexican-American War, and better-known events such as the War of Independence and the Civil War. The result is a provocative, highly readable account of the ways in which republic and empire have coexisted in American history as two faces of the same coin. The Dominion of War recasts familiar triumphs as tragedies, proposes an unconventional set of turning points, and depicts imperialism and republicanism as inseparable influences in a pattern of development in which war and freedom have long been intertwined. It offers a new perspective on America’s attempts to define its role in the world at the dawn of the twenty-first century.

At the end of World War II, Britain possessed a vast African empire encompassing nearly 2.7 million square miles, about 10 times larger than Britain itself. But by 1965, only three small African territories remained under British control, all of which would become independent before the end of 1968. This book examines the swift demise of Britain's African empire, looking particularly at the role played by the United States in bringing the empire to an end. It reveals how the United States was anti-colonial without being actively pro-independence, concluding that the country's policies and actions, combined with its postwar dominance, directly and indirectly contributed to the political, economic, and social transformation of Africa.

"Compelling, provocative, and learned. This book is a stunning and sophisticated reevaluation of the American empire. Hopkins tells an old story in a truly new way--American history will never be the same again."--Jeremi Suri, author of The Impossible Presidency: The Rise and Fall of America's Highest Office.Office.

Japan’s decision to attack the United States in 1941 is widely regarded as irrational to the point of suicidal. How could Japan hope to survive a war with, much less defeat, an enemy possessing an invulnerable homeland and an industrial base 10 times that of Japan? The Pacific War was one that Japan was always going to lose, so how does one explain Tokyo’s decision? Did the Japanese recognize the odds against them? Did they have a concept of victory, or at least of avoiding defeat? Or did the Japanese prefer a lost war to an unacceptable peace? Dr. Jeffrey Record takes a fresh look at Japan’s decision for war, and concludes that it was dictated by Japanese pride and the threatened economic destruction of Japan by the United States. He believes that Japanese aggression in East Asia was the root cause of the Pacific War, but argues that the road to war in 1941 was built on American as well as Japanese miscalculations and that both sides suffered from cultural ignorance and racial arrogance. Record finds that the Americans underestimated the role of fear and honor in Japanese calculations and overestimated the effectiveness of economic sanctions as a deterrent to war, whereas the Japanese underestimated the cohesion and resolve of an aroused American society and overestimated their own martial prowess as a means of defeating U.S. material superiority. He believes that the failure of deterrence was mutual, and that the descent of the United States and Japan into war contains lessons of great and continuing relevance to American foreign policy and defense decision-makers.

Freedom Bound is about the origins of modern America - a history of colonizing, work and civic identity from the beginnings of English presence on the mainland until the Civil War. It is a history of migrants and migrations, of colonizers and colonized, of households and servitude and slavery, and of the freedom all craved and some found. Above all it is a history of the law that framed the entire process. Freedom Bound tells how colonies were planted in occupied territories, how they were populated with migrants - free and unfree - to do the work of colonizing and how the newcomers secured possession. It tells of the new civic lives that seemed possible in new commonwealths and of the constraints that kept many from enjoying them. It follows the story long past the end of the eighteenth century until the American Civil War, when - just for a moment - it seemed that freedom might finally be unbound.