Research Paper (postgraduate) from the year 2007 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: Globalization, Political Economics, grade: B, Stellenbosch Universitiy, course: Global Political Economy, 13 entries in the bibliography, language: English, abstract: The fourth WTO Ministerial Conference at Doha, Qatar in November 2001, dubbed the "Doha Developmental Round", signalled a significant shift in focus within the World Trade Organisation (WTO) as it recognized the economic developmental needs of low income countries. This paper will assess the development dimension of the negotiations focussing on the extent to which this offers developing countries policy space and flexibilities to pursue developmental objectives. The WTO advocated the implementation of special and differential (S&D) treatment in order to assist with the plight of developing countries. This paper acknowledges the importance of S&D treatment, but argues that it is not sufficient as a solitary approach to development. In an adaptation of Amartya Sen's conceptualisation of development as the process of expanding human freedoms; Faizel Ismail highlights four elements of the development dimension of the multilateral trading system, namely: fair trade, capacity building, balanced rules, and good governance. The paper will begin with a brief overview of the evolution of the trading system itself, from GATT to the WTO. Thereafter it will look at the Relationship between development and trade, focussing particularly on NAMA and S&D treatment. Following this will be a brief analysis of the effect of WTO negotiations on developing countries; ending off with a look at how the WTO can be restructured to accommodate the interests of developing countries. [...]

The fourth WTO Ministerial in Doha (Qatar) had an ambitious negotiating mandate in a Work Programme that was launched on 14 September 2001, to be completed by 2005. However, ever since its launch, the Doha Development Agenda, as the Work Programme has come to be called, has been facing rough weather. Missed deadlines have been the main stumbling blocks in the way of negotiations and threaten to undermine the credibility of multilateral trade dialogues. The member countries of WTO have before them an unprecedented challenge. At test is their commitment to the cause of promoting fair trade; the commitments on the part of major trading nations, especially, will have to pass this crucial test if the Doha Round of negotiations is to succeed. The current state of negotiations, however, does not evoke much confidence about the Agenda meeting the deadline of 2005, when all the agreements must be complete and formalized as a single package. This volume is essentially an inquiry into the prospects of the much-debated Doha Round. It assembles, in one place, various points of view from different thinkers on the issues currently under negotiations, chiefly that of trade and development. Reputed experts in the field write on these and other related topics, addressing the primary concern behind the idea of this volume: Can we afford to let the Doha Round of trade talks fail?

This book critically analyses the World Trade Organization’s approach to "special and differential treatment" (SDT) to argue that it is founded on seeking exemptions from WTO obligations, instead of creating an enabling environment for developing countries to integrate fully into the multilateral trading system. Through six key sections: United States Proposal on Special and Differential Treatment Responses to United States Proposal The Evolution of Differential Treatment Failure of the Current Approach to Differential Treatment Complications Created by China’s Emergence in the Global Economy An Alternative Approach to Differential Treatment this book explores how, by adopting a new evidence-based, case-by-case approach to SDT, the development of the poorest countries can best be advanced, while at the same time ensuring that advanced developing countries carry their weight in the organization. It will be of interest to scholars and students of international trade law and political science, as well as trade practitioners such as lawyers, diplomats, and analysts.

The Doha Development Agenda, may go down in history as the slowest development round of all times. Starting in 2001, negotiations have been going on for 13 years and collapsed on several occasions in the meantime. With regards to its goal to ensure developing countries, and especially the least-developed among them, a share in the growth of world trade, barely any progress was made. To the extent that one may question how legitimate it is to call the Doha Round a Development Round at all. Especially the notorious point of trade liberalization in agriculture has delayed the negotiations. While the WTO member states agreed on cutting tariffs and reducing agricultural subsidies, opinions differ sharply on exemptions for certain products from these broad ruled. In another critical point, services, negotiations have hardly progressed. The WTO negotiators have missed every deadline agreed upon and various observers suggested to drop the entire venture. The aim of this paper is to find the reasons for the slow progress in order to see if the obstacles may be overcome and the Doha Round might be completed successfully.

One of the most effective ways to realise the potential of trade as a tool for development and poverty reduction is through meaningful market access. That being said, increasing the trade capacity of less advanced developing countries so that they become more dynamic players in the global economy requires a wide range of support. At the 2005 Hong Kong WTO Ministerial Conference, ministers called for the expansion of Aid for Trade to help developing countries benefit from WTO agreements and expand their trade, while recognising that such aid should not substitute for successful market access outcomes in the core areas of the Doha Development Agenda. In effect, the current suspension of talks in Geneva may provide a breathing space to make Aid for Trade fully operational in time for the completion of the negotiations. It is therefore important to keep up the momentum to ensure that Aid for Trade does deliver its promises. Aid for Trade: Making it Effective sets out how much aid the members of the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) are already providing towards trade-related activities. It reviews the effectiveness of existing programmes, and argues that reinforcing mutual accountability at the local level, together with a global review mechanism, i.e. applying the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, would enhance the impact of Aid for Trade. In particular, strengthening country ownership and management for results are essential to ensure that Aid for Trade delivers larger benefits from the multilateral trading system to the least developed and developing countries, and enables them to develop effectively.

The Doha Round marked its eighth birthday in November 2009, making it the longest running multilateral trade negotiation in the postwar era. Doha participants continue to disagree about prospective liberalization of agriculture and manufactures and have barely begun to consider reductions in barriers to trade in services. Negotiators have missed every deadline to conclude the talks, leading some to question the viability of the entire venture. After nearly nine years of inconclusive meetings, the trade talks are at a tipping point: A global trade deal is still possible with renewed political commitment to trade reform, but continued drift could result in the first outright failure of a multilateral trade round in the postwar era. This policy analysis shows that the Doha Round can still be successfully concluded with a concerted push by the major trading nations. Contrary to the Doha doomsayers, the potential gains from proposals now on the table are significant, albeit not sufficient to close a deal. The authors estimate the trade gains and GDP gains from a prospective Doha deal that "tops up" existing commitments to liberalize agriculture, manufactures, and services. They also suggest what each of the major trading nations needs to do to ensure the successful completion of a Doha package that is both ambitious and balanced between the interests of developed and developing countries.