Over the last decades, rivalries, bilateral disagreements, and distrust between Maghreb states have taken a toll on common political and security challenges, like the Western Sahara issue, the Libyan conflict, the destabilisation in the Sahel region and transnational clandestine flows. Moreover, the Maghreb is one of the least economically integrated regions in the world, and this leads to the region's loss in growth, and the disheartening record of missed opportunities for stability and prosperity. This is the cost of the "non-Maghreb". This Report aims to unpack the political and economic costs of the "non-Maghreb", understand its historical genesis and geopolitical implications and, more broadly, what the future might hold for individual countries and the Maghreb as a divided, fractious but potentially coherent whole.

Individual countries of the Maghreb have achieved substantial progress on trade, but, as a region they remain the least integrated in the world. The share of intraregional trade is less than 5 percent of their total trade, substantially lower than in all other regional trading blocs around the world. Geopolitical considerations and restrictive economic policies have stifled regional integration. Economic policies have been guided by country-level considerations, with little attention to the region, and are not coordinated. Restrictions on trade and capital flows remain substantial and constrain regional integration for the private sector.

A comparative study based on extensive fieldwork, and an original database of gender-based reforms in the Middle East and North Africa, Aili Mari Tripp analyzes why autocratic leaders in Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia adopted more extensive women's rights than their Middle Eastern counterparts.

Increasing terrorist activity has led the Maghreb countries—Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Mauritania, and Libya—to focus on antiterrorism efforts, unintentionally at the expense of full-fledged economic reform. These countries have tightened their border restrictions on the flow of people and goods, reducing commerce and depressing economic activity. In fact, Maghreb has one of the lowest rates of intra-regional trade in the world; other factors like rigid economic structures, slow productivity growth, and modest investment levels continue to stymie progress toward economic integration. Do these countries' diverse circumstances symbolize insurmountable obstacles in achieving economic cooperation and an improved standard of living for citizens? How can the United States and European Union facilitate economic progress? Maghreb Regional and Global Integration: A Dream to Be Fulfilled utilizes two distinct econometric tools to assess four key sectors—energy, banking and insurance, transport, and agribusiness—and outlines achievable sector-specific recommendations. This book not only assesses the gains from economic integration among the Maghreb countries, but also focuses on the tangible benefits from enhanced economic ties between the region and the world economy. With this critical analysis, the authors provide an in-depth look at practical measures such as bilateral trade and investment agreements, regional arrangements, and financial assistance that can significantly boost short-term success and ensure long-term gains through integration in an unstable region.

This book presents a comprehensive survey of Moroccan foreign policy since 1999. It considers the objectives, actors and decision-making processes involved, and outlines Morocco's foreign policy activity in key areas such as the international management of the Western Sahara conflict and relations with the other states of North Africa, relations with the European Union, especially France and Spain, and relations with the United States and the Middle East. The book links the behaviour and discourses analysed to differing conceptions of Morocco's national role on the international scene - champion of national territorial integrity, model student of the EU, and good ally of the United States - and shows how these competing approaches to the country's foreign policy enjoy different degrees of domestic consensus, and result in different degrees of legitimation for the regime.

The overthrow of the regime of President Ben Ali in Tunisia on 14 January 2011 took the world by surprise. The popular revolt in this small Arab country and the effect it had on the wider Arab world prompted questions as to why there had been so little awareness of it up until that point. It also revealed a more general lack of knowledge about the surrounding western part of the Arab world, or the Maghreb, which had long attracted a tiny fraction of the outside interest shown in the eastern Arab world of Egypt, the Levant and the Gulf. This book examines the politics of the three states of the central Maghreb--Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco--since their achievement of independence from European colonial rule in the 1950s and 1960s. It explains the political dynamics of the region by looking at the roles played by the military, political parties and Islamist movements and addresses factors such as Berber identity and economics, as well as how the states of the region interact with each other and with the wider world. -- Provided by publisher.

During the last decade Europe has been transformed both politically and commercially. The establishment of a genuinely single marketplace in the context of an expanding membership has enabled the European Union greatly to enhance its role on the world stage. In the areas of trade and commercial policy the Union increasingly speaks with one voice. As a result of the Maastricht Treaty on Economic and Political Union of 1993, a process has been set in motion whereby the embryonic mechanisms of a common foreign policy (European Political Cooperation or EPC) are gradually evolving into a more comprehensive Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The contributors to this volume describe and evaluate the nature and extent to which the European Union plays an independent role in international affairs. This pioneering work makes an important contribution to the literature on the European Union since the chapters present a comprehensive picture of the Union's foreign economic policies and actions, its foreign security policy, and the supranational nature of much Union decision-making. The book is significant, not only because of its dual focus on economics as well as politics, but also because it comprehensively covers the broad range of Union policies in both the economic and political spheres. The intended level of readership is undergraduate courses on the EU and on European politics; upper level undergraduate courses in International Relations; and graduate survey courses on the EU. The book is sufficiently comprehensive and instructive to achieve a wide readership, especially in North America and the UK.