Saudi Arabia is no longer regarded as quite the invincible pillar of Islam it so recently seemed. Its authority within the Islamic world has been challenged by the Ayatollahs in Iran and its dominant position within Opec has been seriously eroded. Most importantly, the dramatic assault on the Mosque at Mecca has raised serious doubts about the internal security of the Saudi regime. This study provides essential background to the contemporary problems of Saudi Arabia in its focus on the early years of the Saudi state and the way in which King Abd al-Aziz first created a nation state and asserted his family's authority. It agues that the geography of Central Arabia was a crucial factor in determining how he fused together the Bedouin tribes and the settled communities into a political entity. First published in 1981 and based on extensive new research data, this is the first study to examine more than simply a political or diplomatic history of Saudi Arabia, and concerns itself with the attitudes and perceptions of the Arabs themselves towards political initiatives of that period.

Saudi Arabia is no longer regarded as quite the invincible pillar of Islam it so recently seemed. Its authority within the Islamic world has been challenged by the Ayatollahs in Iran and its dominant position within Opec has been seriously eroded. Most importantly, the dramatic assault on the Mosque at Mecca has raised serious doubts about the internal security of the Saudi regime. This study provides essential background to the contemporary problems of Saudi Arabia in its focus on the early years of the Saudi state and the way in which King Abd al-Aziz first created a nation state and asserted his family's authority. It agues that the geography of Central Arabia was a crucial factor in determining how he fused together the Bedouin tribes and the settled communities into a political entity. First published in 1981 and based on extensive new research data, this is the first study to examine more than simply a political or diplomatic history of Saudi Arabia, and concerns itself with the attitudes and perceptions of the Arabs themselves towards political initiatives of that period.

Making sense of Saudi Arabia is crucially important today. The kingdom's western province contains the heart of Islam, and it is the United States' closest Arab ally and the largest producer of oil in the world. However, the country is undergoing rapid change: its aged leadership is ceding power to a new generation, and its society, dominated by young people, is restive. Saudi Arabia has long remained closed to foreign scholars, with a select few academics allowed into the kingdom over the past decade. This book presents the fruits of their research as well as those of the most prominent Saudi academics in the field. This volume focuses on different sectors of Saudi society and examines how the changes of the past few decades have affected each. It reflects new insights and provides the most up-to-date research on the country's social, cultural, economic and political dynamics.

Saudi Arabia has undergone a rapid social and economic transformation. When Ibn Saud declared the nation a unified kingdom in 1932, the majority of its population was nomadic and lived in a state of poverty or semi-poverty. Now the processes of modernisation, financed by the exploitation of the country’s vast oil reserves, have produced a prosperous and predominantly urban population. However, this social change has not been without its tensions; the emergence of a rising middle class has called into question the monopoly of power of the House of Saud, its involvement in the kingdom’s economy and its oil and foreign policy, while the rapid urbanisation of the rural population has eroded the traditional social structures and has not solved, but in some cases promoted, social division. This book, first published in 1988, explores the recent history of the Saudi oil state in an analysis of the struggle for social and political power in modern Saudi Arabia.

Saudi Arabia’s strategic relations with the West involve clear and direct common strategic interests in the Gulf and in the Near East. While they compete in terms of trade and oil prices, they share a common commitment to private enterprise and to maintaining a stable balance of world trade. Saudi Arabia often differs with given Western states in terms of specific strategic interests and tactics, but these differences are rarely significant enough to prevent close cooperation. Even the differences over the Arab-Israeli peace issue are largely ones of timing and tactics. Saudi Arabia must preserve friendly relations with Syria, and is vulnerable to attacks by Arab radicals and Iran. It has also differed with the US over the specific approach that should be taken to achieving an Arab-Israeli peace settlement, but it has consistently pushed for a peace settlement within the Arab world. This book, first published in 1987, analyses the interrelations between Western and Saudi strategic concerns and argues forcibly that pressure from the Israeli lobby within US domestic politics must not be allowed to interfere within the proper provisioning of the Saudi armed forces, especially the air force.

Saudi Arabia is one of the most important countries in the modern world. Not only does it possess some 25 per cent of the world’s proven oil reserves, it also plays a crucial role in the wider Gulf region where over 50 per cent of proven reserves are located. Developments in Saudi Arabia will inevitably affect the economic well-being of the Western industrialised world, Japan and much of the Third World. At the same time, Saudi Arabia is ruled in a traditional way by an all-powerful king and royal family, and is one of the key countries of Islam, the Holy City of Mecca being within the country’s boundaries. The inroad of modern Western forces into this traditional Islamic society is underlined by the fact that may key posts are filled with imported Western workers. This book, first published in 1982, containing contributions by the world’s leading Middle Eastern experts, provides a comprehensive overview of important social, political and economic developments in Saudi Arabia. The opening chapters consider the formation of the Saudi State, and the bulk of the book surveys key themes such as political opposition, the oil industry, energy policy, banking, external relations and the future direction of development.

The United States'' relationship with Saudi Arabia has been one of the cornerstones of U.S. policy in the Middle East for decades. Despite their substantial differences in history, culture, and governance, the two countries have generally agreed on important political and economic issues and have often relied on each other to secure mutual aims. The 1990-91 Gulf War is perhaps the most obvious example, but their ongoing cooperation on maintaining regional stability, moderating the global oil market, and pursuing terrorists should not be downplayed. Yet for all the relationship''s importance, it is increasingly imperiled by mistrust and misunderstanding. One major question is Saudi Arabia''s stability. In this Council Special Report, sponsored by the Center for Preventive Action, F. Gregory Gause III first explores the foundations of Riyadh''s present stability and potential sources of future unrest. It is difficult not to notice that Saudi Arabia avoided significant upheaval during the political uprisings that swept the Middle East in 2011, despite sharing many of the social and economic problems of Egypt, Yemen, and Libya. But unlike their counterparts in Cairo, Sanaa, and Tripoli, Riyadh''s leadership was able to maintain order in large part by increasing public spending on housing and salaries, relying on loyal and well-equipped security forces, and utilizing its extensive patronage networks. The divisions within the political opposition also helped the government''s cause. This is not to say that Gause believes that the stability of the House of Saud is assured. He points out that the top heirs to the throne are elderly and the potential for disorderly squabbling may increase as a new generation enters the line of succession. Moreover, the population is growing quickly, and there is little reason to believe that oil will forever be able to buy social tranquility. Perhaps most important, Gause argues, the leadership''s response to the 2011 uprisings did little to forestall future crises; an opportunity for manageable political reform was mostly lost. Turning to the regional situation, Gause finds it no less complex. Saudi Arabia has wielded considerable influence with its neighbors through its vast oil reserves, its quiet financial and political support for allies, and the ideological influence of salafism, the austere interpretation of Islam that is perhaps Riyadh''s most controversial export. For all its wealth and religious influence, however, Saudi Arabia''s recent record has been less than successful. It was unable to counter Iranian influence in post-Saddam Iraq, it could not prevent Hezbollah taking power in Lebanon, and its ongoing efforts to reconcile Hamas and the Palestinian Authority have come to naught. The U.S.-Saudi relationship has, unsurprisingly, been affected by these and other challenges, including Saudi unhappiness with Washington''s decision to distance itself from Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, the lack of progress on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, and Iran. For its part, the United States is unhappy with the Saudi intervention in Bahrain and Saudi support for radical Islamists around the region and the world. The two traditional anchors of the U.S.-Saudi relationship-the Cold War and U.S. operation of Riyadh''s oil fields-are, Gause notes, no longer factors. It is no wonder, he contends, that the relationship is strained when problems are myriad and the old foundations of the informal alliance are gone. It would be far better, Gause argues, to acknowledge that the two countries can no longer expect to act in close concert under such conditions. He recommends that the United States reimagine the relationship as simply transactional, based on cooperation when interests-rather than habit-dictate. Prioritizing those interests will therefore be critical. Rather than pressuring Riyadh for domestic political reform, or asking it to reduce global oil prices, Gause recommends that the United States spend its political capital where it really matters: on maintaining regional security, dismantling terrorist networks, and preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons. There have been few relationships more important to the United States than that with Saudi Arabia, and it is vital that, as it enters a new phase, the expectations and priorities of both countries are clear. In Saudi Arabia in the New Middle East, Gause effectively assesses the challenges and opportunities facing Saudi Arabia and makes a compelling argument for a more modest, businesslike relationship between Washington and Riyadh that better reflects modern realities. As the United States begins reassessing its commitments in the Greater Middle East, this report offers a clear vision for a more limited-but perhaps more appropriate and sustainable-future partnership.