Excerpt from The Catholic Charities Review, 1919, Vol. 3 The most radical of the demands is that of the California Federation of Labor: scientific reorganization of the nation's industry, on the basis of com mon ownership of the means of produc tion. This is Socialism. AS such, it is obviously unacceptable to Catholics and to at least nineteen twentieths of the American people. Inasmuch as the Federation did not amplify or emphasize the proposal, we may hope that it was not intended to be taken seriously. Taken as a whole, the declarations that we have been considering are not only radical in themselves, but Significant of a new movement and spirit in the ranks or organized labor. They indicate that many of the trade unionists are no longer content with the traditional policy of merely seeking higher wages, Shorter hours, and other improvements of their condition as wage earners. Like their brethren in Europe, very many members of our American labor organizations are beginning to think seriously of funda mental changes in our industrial strue ture and relations. It is a movement that cannot safely be ignored. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

Excerpt from The Catholic Charities Review, Caritas Patiens, 1920, Vol. 4 What, then, is the correct principle which marks off the sphere of the State from the sphere of the individual in'the treatment of social distress? In the most general terms, the function of the State is to promote the common good. The State should protect and assist its citizens in the pursuit of men tal, moral and physical welfare. For the most part, however, the State should not provide these goods directly, through the operation and management of social institutions and processes, but indirectly, by affording and enforcing those standards and conditions of we] fare which will enable the citizens to obtain the goods for themselves. Stated negatively, the true principle is that the civil authority should deal with no social distress which could not be dealt with equally well by private ac tion. This is not only a correct political principle, but it is also one of the two or three great basic truths of democ racy. This is one of the reasons why men who think fundamentally, prefer an indifferent republic to the most eth cient and benevolent despotism. Stated positively, the correct principle is that the civil power should deal with all social distress which in the long run cannot'be as well looked after by other agencies. I say in the long run be cause there are many things which the State might handle with good im mediate results, but which it ought to let alone on account of the ultimate in jury to individual life and development. For instance, it is conceivable that the State might care for all dependent chil dren at a smaller total outlay than is te quired when the work is shared by vol untary associations, but the resulting loss in charitable feeling, personal re sponsibility, and individual initiative would not be offset by the lower cost of financial administration. Let us try now to give these principles a systematic application to the facts of everyday life. Social distress must be dealt with in two ways, by prevention and by relief. Taking up prevention first, we see at once that the State cannot fore. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

Excerpt from The Social Mission of Charity: A Study of Points of View in Catholic Charities The scope of this volume limits its contents to a discussion of general points of view in Catholic charities. On this account neither methods nor problems are treated in any detail. The plans of the Department of Social Action of the National Catholic Welfare Council provide for a number of volumes relating to practical aspects of charities. They will appear as circumstances permit. Special bibliographies on problems and agencies are reserved to them. Since the social facts dealt with in a general way are beyond dispute, although interpretations vary, it did not seem necessary to weight the pages with extensive literary references. The author has endeavored to confine his interpretations to forms which may invite but little disagreement. Exposition rather than argument was aimed at throughout in the hope of making general appeal for thorough understanding of the wider mission of Charity in social life. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

Ernest Jones’s three-volume The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud was first published in the mid-1950s. This edited and abridged volume omits the portions of the trilogy that dealt principally with the technical aspects of Freud’s work and is designed for the lay reader. Jones portrays Freud’s childhood and adolescence; the excitement and trials of his four-year engagement to Martha Bernays; his early experiments with hypnotism and cocaine; the slow rise of his reputation and constant battles against distortion and slander; the painful defections of close associates; the years of international eminence; the onset of cancer and his stoicism in the face of an agonizing death. “One of the outstanding biographies of the age... It gives us an unmatched — and unretouched — portrait of Freud as a human being.” — The New York Times “The definitive life of Freud and one of the great biographies of our time... Charged with intellectual excitement, it is a chronicle of heroic struggle and adventurous discovery.” — The Atlantic “A landmark of literature, a remarkable appreciation of one of the remarkable spirits of the modern age.” — Scientific American “Superb drama... Dr. Jones has managed to illuminate some obscure corners of Freud’s first years with a thoroughness that would have astonished, and might well have dismayed, the reticent and august Freud.” — The New Yorker “A masterpiece of contemporary biography... The letters are also a fascinating guide to the man. From them emerges suddenly a tough, jealous, ferocious figure.” — Time

Have the poor fared best by participating in conventional electoral politics or by engaging in mass defiance and disruption? The authors of the classic Regulating The Poor assess the successes and failures of these two strategies as they examine, in this provocative study, four protest movements of lower-class groups in 20th century America: -- The mobilization of the unemployed during the Great Depression that gave rise to the Workers' Alliance of America -- The industrial strikes that resulted in the formation of the CIO -- The Southern Civil Rights Movement -- The movement of welfare recipients led by the National Welfare Rights Organization.

A landmark work of narrative history, Paris 1919 is the first full-scale treatment of the Peace Conference in more than twenty-five years. It offers a scintillating view of those dramatic and fateful days when much of the modern world was sketched out, when countries were created—Iraq, Yugoslavia, Israel—whose troubles haunt us still. Winner of the Samuel Johnson Prize • Winner of the PEN Hessell Tiltman Prize • Winner of the Duff Cooper Prize Between January and July 1919, after “the war to end all wars,” men and women from around the world converged on Paris to shape the peace. Center stage, for the first time in history, was an American president, Woodrow Wilson, who with his Fourteen Points seemed to promise to so many people the fulfillment of their dreams. Stern, intransigent, impatient when it came to security concerns and wildly idealistic in his dream of a League of Nations that would resolve all future conflict peacefully, Wilson is only one of the larger-than-life characters who fill the pages of this extraordinary book. David Lloyd George, the gregarious and wily British prime minister, brought Winston Churchill and John Maynard Keynes. Lawrence of Arabia joined the Arab delegation. Ho Chi Minh, a kitchen assistant at the Ritz, submitted a petition for an independent Vietnam. For six months, Paris was effectively the center of the world as the peacemakers carved up bankrupt empires and created new countries. This book brings to life the personalities, ideals, and prejudices of the men who shaped the settlement. They pushed Russia to the sidelines, alienated China, and dismissed the Arabs. They struggled with the problems of Kosovo, of the Kurds, and of a homeland for the Jews. The peacemakers, so it has been said, failed dismally; above all they failed to prevent another war. Margaret MacMillan argues that they have unfairly been made the scapegoats for the mistakes of those who came later. She refutes received ideas about the path from Versailles to World War II and debunks the widely accepted notion that reparations imposed on the Germans were in large part responsible for the Second World War. Praise for Paris 1919 “It’s easy to get into a war, but ending it is a more arduous matter. It was never more so than in 1919, at the Paris Conference. . . . This is an enthralling book: detailed, fair, unfailingly lively. Professor MacMillan has that essential quality of the historian, a narrative gift.” —Allan Massie, The Daily Telegraph (London)