Bachelor Thesis from the year 2011 in the subject American Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, grade: 1,3, Free University of Berlin (John-F.-Kennedy-Institut für Nordamerikastudien), language: English, abstract: The objective of this work is to bring together findings from different research fields and organize them in a way that helps to detect the ambivalent legacy of Proposition 13 three decades after its ballot success. Since this initiative is such a buzzword in politics, the media, and academia, I will show why Proposition 13 has been both the darling of California citizens and the scapegoat for everything that has presumably gone wrong in the state. With this objective, it is not sufficient to solely focus on the changed fiscal structure of local governments or the role of Howard Jarvis as ‘the small people’s hero.’ Therefore, I will extract Proposition 13’s main aspects that have formed its lasting legacy. I will do so by presenting my findings in three parts: The first part will focus on the initiative’s 1978 ballot success and causes as well as its sponsors and opponents. I will show that the voters’ motivation to overwhelmingly approve Proposition 13 was not a sign of sharply reversed attitudes toward government and public services, but was rather based on two essential aspects: voters requested an immediate, substantial, and permanent property tax relief and wanted to send a strong message to their inactive and unresponsive government through the power of the initiative process. The second part will analyze the proposition’s (unanticipated) impacts on the state and local governments and California citizens – with regard to fiscal, socioeconomic, and political impacts. Among other aspects, I will explain why the hopes of the initiative’s sponsors for shrinkage of big government were dashed while the alarming prophesies of Proposition 13’s opponents were not fulfilled to their anticipated magnitude. With respect to the political impact of the initiative, I will show that the unanticipated shift in power relations between the state and local governments has been one of the most important effects of the proposition. Finally, the third part will turn to the changing debate about Proposition 13’s role in the nationwide tax revolt of the 1970s and 1980s as well as in California over the past three decades. I will proceed to analyze the double-edged legacy of Proposition 13 as both the darling of California citizens and the scapegoat for the state’s problems. I will underscore the relation between direct democracy and Proposition 13 and identify possible positive results and repercussions of the initiative process as it is used in California.

Bachelor Thesis from the year 2011 in the subject American Studies - Culture and Applied Geography, grade: 1,3, Free University of Berlin (John-F.-Kennedy-Institut für Nordamerikastudien), language: English, abstract: The objective of this work is to bring together findings from different research fields and organize them in a way that helps to detect the ambivalent legacy of Proposition 13 three decades after its ballot success. Since this initiative is such a buzzword in politics, the media, and academia, I will show why Proposition 13 has been both the darling of California citizens and the scapegoat for everything that has presumably gone wrong in the state. With this objective, it is not sufficient to solely focus on the changed fiscal structure of local governments or the role of Howard Jarvis as 'the small people's hero.' Therefore, I will extract Proposition 13's main aspects that have formed its lasting legacy. I will do so by presenting my findings in three parts: The first part will focus on the initiative's 1978 ballot success and causes as well as its sponsors and opponents. I will show that the voters' motivation to overwhelmingly approve Proposition 13 was not a sign of sharply reversed attitudes toward government and public services, but was rather based on two essential aspects: voters requested an immediate, substantial, and permanent property tax relief and wanted to send a strong message to their inactive and unresponsive government through the power of the initiative process. The second part will analyze the proposition's (unanticipated) impacts on the state and local governments and California citizens - with regard to fiscal, socioeconomic, and political impacts. Among other aspects, I will explain why the hopes of the initiative's sponsors for shrinkage of big government were dashed while the alarming prophesies of Proposition 13's opponents were not fulfilled to their anticipated magnitude. With respect to the political impact of the initiat

Tax reformers, take note. Clarence Lo's investigation of California's Proposition 13 and other tax reduction bills is both a tribute and a warning to people who get "mad as hell" and try to do something about being pushed around by government. Homeowners in California, faced with impossible property tax bills in the 1970s, got mad and pushed back, starting an avalanche that swept tax limitation measures into state after state. What we learn is that, although the property tax was slashed, two-thirds of the benefits went to business owners rather than homeowners. How did a crusade launched by homeowning consumers seeking tax relief end up as a pro-business, supply-side political program? To trace the transformation, Lo uses the firsthand recollections of 120 activists in the movement, going back to the 1950s. He shows how their protests were ignored, until a suburban alliance of upper-middle-class property owners and business owners took charge. It was the program of that latter group, not the plight of the moderate-income homeowner, which inspired tax revolts across the nation and shaped the economic policies of the Reagan administration. Tax reformers, take note. Clarence Lo's investigation of California's Proposition 13 and other tax reduction bills is both a tribute and a warning to people who get "mad as hell" and try to do something about being pushed around by government. Homeowners in California, faced with impossible property tax bills in the 1970s, got mad and pushed back, starting an avalanche that swept tax limitation measures into state after state. What we learn is that, although the property tax was slashed, two-thirds of the benefits went to business owners rather than homeowners. How did a crusade launched by homeowning consumers seeking tax relief end up as a pro-business, supply-side political program? To trace the transformation, Lo uses the firsthand recollections of 120 activists in the movement, going back to the 1950s. He shows how their protests were ignored, until a suburban alliance of upper-middle-class property owners and business owners took charge. It was the program of that latter group, not the plight of the moderate-income homeowner, which inspired tax revolts across the nation and shaped the economic policies of the Reagan administration.

The property tax could be improved in reputation and practice with key policy and administrative reforms, according to Challenging the Conventional Wisdom on the Property Tax, which suggests ways to achieve greater voter confidence and more robust property tax systems in both developed and developing countries. --from publisher description

Ever since its first publication in 1992, The End of History and the Last Man has provoked controversy and debate. Francis Fukuyama's prescient analysis of religious fundamentalism, politics, scientific progress, ethical codes, and war is as essential for a world fighting fundamentalist terrorists as it was for the end of the Cold War. Now updated with a new afterword, The End of History and the Last Man is a modern classic.