The current combination of electoral systems in the Philippines essentially guarantees the perpetuation of weak and incoherent political parties. As long as parties are weak and lacking in coherence, the primary focus of political contention is much more likely to be on patronage and pork than on policies and programs. As political reformers seek to address these fundamental problems of the Philippine polity, there is no better place to start than through a well-constructed set of changes to the electoral system. In this volume, expert contributors survey major types of electoral systems found throughout the world, explain their powerful influence on both democratic quality and development outcomes, and explore the comparative political dynamics of reform processes. A recurring theme is the virtue of a mixed electoral system involving some element of closed-list proportional representation -- known internationally as one of the most effective means of building stronger and more coherent political parties. This, in turn, can be expected to encourage the emergence of a more policy-oriented (and less patronage-driven) polity.

The current combination of electoral systems in the Philippines essentially guarantees the perpetuation of weak and incoherent political parties. As long as parties are weak and lacking in coherence, the primary focus of political contention is much more likely to be on patronage and pork than on policies and programs. As political reformers seek to address these fundamental problems of the Philippine polity, there is no better place to start than through a well-constructed set of changes to the electoral system.In this volume, expert contributors survey major types of electoral systems found throughout the world, explain their powerful influence on both democratic quality and development outcomes, and explore the comparative political dynamics of reform processes. A recurring theme is the virtue of a mixed electoral system involving some element of closed-list proportional representation — known internationally as one of the most effective means of building stronger and more coherent political parties. This, in turn, can be expected to encourage the emergence of a more policy-oriented (and less patronage-driven) polity.

Building trust and professionalism in the management of electoral processes remains a major challenge for Electoral Management Bodies (EMBs), institutions and/or bodies responsible for managing elections. The 'credibility gap' - the diminished public confidence in the integrity and diligence for many electoral institutions and their activities - is a common problem for EMBs around the world. Many EMBs face basic design questions as they seek to work better: how should EMBs be structured to ensure that they can act independently? How do EMBs relate to stakeholders such as the media, political parties and donors? How can EMBs evaluate their performance and use experience to build sustainable elections? "The Electoral Management Design Handbook" is written for electoral administrators, electoral administration designers and other practitioners involved in building professional, sustainable and cost-effective electoral administrations which can deliver legitimate and credible free and fair elections. It is a comparative study that shares best practices and know-how from around the world on financing, structuring and evaluation of Electoral Management Bodies

Today a general mood of pessimism surrounds Western efforts to strengthen elections and democracy abroad. If elections are often deeply flawed or even broken in many countries around the world, can anything be done to fix them? To counter the prevailing ethos, Pippa Norris presents new evidence for why programs of international electoral assistance work. She evaluates the effectiveness of several practical remedies, including efforts designed to reform electoral laws, strengthen women's representation, build effective electoral management bodies, promote balanced campaign communications, regulate political money, and improve voter registration. Pippa Norris argues that it would be a tragedy to undermine progress by withdrawing from international engagement. Instead, the international community needs to learn the lessons of what works best to strengthen electoral integrity, to focus activities and resources upon the most effective programs, and to innovate after a quarter century of efforts to strengthen electoral integrity.

Containing the latest research and insights of academics and development practitioners pursuing political and economic reforms in the ASEAN region, Building Inclusive Democracies in ASEAN recognizes that a well-functioning democracy is part of what ultimately fosters inclusive growth and development. Inequitable access to democratic processes and mechanisms produce government policies and initiatives that are inconsistent with the needs of the majority.The chapters include empirical research on the symptoms and effects of traditional patron-client politics, experiences, insights, analyses, and policy recommendations, as well as reflections, on reform efforts along the lines of citizens' participation, transparency, and evidence-based policymaking.

This book is open access under a CC BY 4.0 license. This book investigates the impact of vote buying on the accountability of democratic institutions and policy representation in newly democratic countries, with a focus on Indonesia. In doing so, the book presents a wide-ranging study of the dynamics of vote buying in Indonesia’s young democracy, exploring the nature, extent, determinants, targeting and effectiveness of this practice. It addresses these central issues in the context of comparative studies of vote buying, arguing that although party loyalists are disproportionately targeted in vote buying efforts, in total numbers —given the relatively small number of party loyalists in Indonesia— vote buying hits more uncommitted voters. It also demonstrates that the effectiveness of vote buying on vote choice is in the 10 percent range, which is sufficient for many candidates to secure a seat and thus explains why they still engage in vote buying despite high levels of leakage.