Stephen Smith is a voice from and for the next generation of fighters for social justice, giving his colleagues an introduction to grassroots organizing based on his own experiences in places as diverse as Harvard University, Botswana and Chicago. For four years, he was the lead organizer of PACT, a grassroots organization for young adults affiliated with the Industrial Areas Foundation. Stoking the Fire of Democracy explains how organizations are built and sustained, how they go into action around issues of common concern, how they exercise power, and how they learn from their successes and failures. For young people who want to know what comes next, this book will help them become what Saul Alinksy called "the fire under the boiler of democracy."

Why has democracy failed to reduce corruption in Kenya? Framing the challenge in game theoretical terms, Dominic Burbidge examines how mutual expectations between citizens dictate the success or failure of political reforms. Since 1992, Kenya has conducted multiparty elections with the hope of promoting accountability and transparency in government. This is being undermined by ongoing corruption and an increasingly centralised state response to terrorism. Providing a nuanced assessment of democracy’s difficult road in Kenya, Burbidge discusses the independent role being played by widespread social expectations of corruption. Through tracking average views of the average person, it is possible to identify a threshold beyond which society suffers mutually reinforcing negative social expectations. This trend is the shadow of Kenyan democracy, and must be treated as a policy challenge on its own terms before institutional reforms will be successful.

This book examines how music education presents opportunities to shape democratic awareness through political, pedagogical, and humanistic perspectives. Focusing on democracy as a vital dimension in teaching music, the essays in this volume have particular relevance to teaching music as democratic practice in both public schooling and in teacher education. Although music educators have much to learn from others in the educational field, the actual teaching of music involves social and political dimensions unique to the arts. In addition, teaching music as democratic practice demands a pedagogical foundation not often examined in the general teacher education community. Essays include the teaching of the arts as a critical response to democratic participation; exploring democracy in the music classroom with such issues as safe spaces, sexual orientation, music of the Holocaust, improvisation, race and technology; and music teaching/music teacher education as a form of social justice. Engaging with current scholarship, the book not only probes the philosophical nature of music and democracy, but also presents ways of democratizing music curriculum and human interactions within the classroom. This volume offers the collective wisdom of international scholars, teachers, and teacher educators and will be essential reading for those who teach music as a vital force for change and social justice in both local and global contexts.

ONE OF THE ECONOMIST'S BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR AND A WINNER OF THE WASHINGTON MONTHLY'S ANNUAL POLITICAL BOOK AWARD Political experts John B. Judis and Ruy Teixeira convincingly use hard data -- demographic, geographic, economic, and political -- to forecast the dawn of a new progressive era. In the 1960s, Kevin Phillips, battling conventional wisdom, correctly foretold the dawn of a new conservative era. His book, The Emerging Republican Majority, became an indispensable guide for all those attempting to understand political change through the 1970s and 1980s. At the beginning of the twenty-first century, with the country in Republican hands, The Emerging Democratic Majority is the indispensable guide to this era. In five well-researched chapters and a new afterword covering the 2002 elections, Judis and Teixeira show how the most dynamic and fastest-growing areas of the country are cultivating a new wave of Democratic voters who embrace what the authors call "progressive centrism" and take umbrage at Republican demands to privatize social security, ban abortion, and cut back environmental regulations. As the GOP continues to be dominated by neoconservatives, the religious right, and corporate influence, this is an essential volume for all those discontented with their narrow agenda -- and a clarion call for a new political order.

How did democracy become so vulnerable in America? Donald Trump is a shrill warning of the political system's fragility, but he alone is not the problem. The vulnerability is broader and deeper-and looms still. Even before Trump ran for president, his disdain for the rules and norms of democracy and the US Constitution was well-known by many prominent Republicans who were unable to stop his nomination. Trump's presidency is the culmination of a series of political decisions since the late 18th century that ceded party nominations to small cliques of ideologues. Democracy Under Fire provides a readable, if disturbing, history of American democracy and proposes recommendations to restore it.

Canada's representative democracy is confronting important challenges. At the top of the list is the growing inability of the national government to perform its most important roles: namely mapping out collective actions that resonate in all regions as well as enforcing these measures. Others include Parliament's failure to carry out important responsibilities, an activist judiciary, incessant calls for greater transparency, the media's rapidly changing role, and a federal government bureaucracy that has lost both its way and its standing. Arguing that Canadians must reconsider the origins of their country in order to understand why change is difficult and why they continue to embrace regional identities, Democracy in Canada explains how Canada's national institutions were shaped by British historical experiences, and why there was little effort to bring Canadian realities into the mix. As a result, the scope and size of government and Canadian federalism have taken on new forms largely outside the Constitution. Parliament and now even Cabinet have been pushed aside so that policy makers can design and manage the modern state. This also accounts for the average citizen's belief that national institutions cater to economic elites, to their own members, and to interest groups at their own expense. A masterwork analysis, Democracy in Canada investigates the forces shaping the workings of Canadian federalism and the country's national political and bureaucratic institutions.

Congressman David Cicilline offers his provocative takes on Republicans, Democrats, and the world of politics in the wake of Donald Trump. The rioters were still in the Capitol, shattering the door to the House Chamber and bellowing “Hang Mike Pence,” when David Cicilline, safely locked inside his office, began writing the articles of impeachment that would lead to Donald Trump’s second Senate trial. He helped prosecute the case, earning admiration from his fellow progressives and a national following. But by summer he would be calling out some of those same colleagues for caving to special interests and attempting to block his plan to rein in the Big Tech companies like Facebook and Google. Beyond sounding an alarm, House on Fire identifies the key threat to our democracy—that the GOP has become a Trumpist authoritarian cult—and outlines how we fight back. A response that must include both citizen opposition and practical reforms, including an end to the Senate filibuster, discarding the Electoral College, expanding the Supreme Court, and requiring that justices adhere to a code of ethics. Cicilline actually believes in politics and the system. He used them both to deliver for the people in a once-corrupt city he ran as mayor and in Washington, where he has risen to help lead the Democratic Party in Congress. In HOUSE ON FIRE, Cicilline spares no one from criticism as he argues for a politics that produces results and warns that without it Trump, or someone worse, will take power in 2024 and make us wish for the days when the only thing we complained about was gridlock.