This book identifies and explains the politico-historical forces that underlie agrarian policies in Nigeria. It also examines the impacts of these policies on different social classes and groups, especially the peasantry. The book focuses specifically on the Agricultural Marketing and Commodity Boards in Nigeria from 1945-1985. These boards are examined as state agencies and actions that have direct implications for different classes and groups. The book reveals that the various social classes and groups contested every step of the agrarian policies, right from their agenda setting to actual implementation. Consequently, the contestations affected drastically the policies and outcomes in such a way that the original goals were lost. I am very impressed with its theoretical scope, command of extant literature and methodological sophistication. Dr. Mous book should be of immense interest to a broad range of scholars from political theorists, to political economists as well as African area specialists. - Professor Crawford Young, Department of Political Science, University of Wisconsin Madison, USA. Dr. Dan MouThanks for contributing to knowledge. Your book is highly expository and full of discoveries We are proud of you. S.A. Raofu, Chairman, Committee of Deans, AOCOE, Lagos, Nigeria.

The relationship between development and democratization remains one of the most compelling topics of research in political science, yet many aspects of authoritarian regime behavior remain unexplained. This book explores how different types of governments take action to shape the course of economic development, focusing on agriculture, a sector that is of crucial importance in the developing world. It explains variation in agricultural and food policy across regime type, who the winners and losers of these policies are, and whether they influence the stability of authoritarian governments. The book pushes us to think differently about the process linking economic development to political change, and to consider growth as an inherently politicized process rather than an exogenous driver of moves towards democracy.

The performance of Nigeria has recently been vehemently criticized as not commensurate with her human and material potentialities. The hope that Nigeria is, by destiny, the African Giant appears to be fading. Some analysts, seeing this, have blamed it on the character defects of the leadership in Nigeria. They argue that because the leaders are predatory and corrupt, they have preoccupied themselves with their interests, which are primitive accumulation and luxurious lifestyles. Meanwhile, the rest of the citizens are suffering. This book argues that such character defects may indeed exist in some of Nigerian leaders. However, these are not the main reasons for their dismal performance regarding the welfare of the citizens. The main problem is that Nigerian leaders seem to have largely lost control over the state and its policies, which appear to have been captured by the dominant classes and groupslocal and international. Nigerias main problem is, therefore, a structural one. Nonetheless, the book concludesas the security, economic, political, and social crises intensifyNigerian leaders, even if it is simply for self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of these dominant classes and groups. It is only then that Nigeria can realistically be restored to the possibility of becoming an African Giant.

This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the 71 percent of Nigerias population still living below the poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness worse civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in the future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use. There is this perception that Nigerians dont write and read. This perception is deep-seated, even among intellectuals who see our authors as shallow researchers. But Dr. Dan Mou has debunked that myth and shown that Nigerians can write well-researched and detailed books. It is quite prophetic in its assessment of the Nigerian State (Agbo Agbo, deputy editor, The Nation). Dr. Dan Mou has proven himself a world-class scholar and an intellectual colossus. His reputation as an internationally renowned public policy expert has continued to soar. I congratulate him for these remarkable achievements (Professor Justice Abdul Fatai Kuti, first justice of Abuja High Court and former dean, faculty of law, University of Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State of Nigeria). Dr. Mou is certainly one of the best scholars we have on the African continent. As an educationist myself, before I became a traditional ruler, I agree totally with his analysis and conclusions. I share the optimism Dr. Mou has expressed . . . that once the recommendations therein are adopted and meticulously implemented, with proper monitoring and evaluation of such resultant policies and programmes, Nigeria and indeed Africa would be able to solve most of these challenges (HRH Alh. Dr. Sheban Audu, Nizazo III, Etsu Kwali, Etsu Kwalis Palace, Abuja, Nigeria).

This book shows how Rwanda’s development model and the organisation of genocide are two sides of the same coin. In the absence of mineral resources, the elite organised and managed the labour of peasant producers as efficient as possible. In order to stay in power and benefit from it, the presidential clan chose a development model that would not change the political status quo. When the latter was threatened, the elite invoked the preservation of group welfare of the Hutu, called for Hutu unity and solidarity and relied on the great mass (rubanda nyamwinshi) for the execution of the genocide. A strategy as simple as it is horrific. The genocide can be regarded as the ultimate act of self-preservation through annihilation under the veil of self-defense. Why did tens of thousands of ordinary people massacred tens of thousands other ordinary people in Rwanda in 1994? What has agricultural policy and rural ideology to do with it? What was the role of the Akazu, the presidential clan around president Habyarimana? Did the civil war cause the genocide? And what insights can a political economy perspective offer ? Based on more than ten years of research, and engaging with competing and complementary arguments of authors such as Peter Uvin, Alison Des Forges, Scott Strauss, René Lemarchand, Filip Reyntjens, Mahmood Mamdani and André Guichaoua, the author blends economics, politics and agrarian studies to provide a new way of understanding the nexus between development and genocide in Rwanda. Students and practitioners of development as well as everyone interested in the causes of violent conflict and genocide in Africa and around the world will find this book compelling to read. .

This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the seventy-one percent (71%) of Nigerias population still living below poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades. It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness the worst civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in future. It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use.