Providing a needed historical perspective on current debates about industrial and agricultural policy, Kenneth Finegold and Theda Skocpol compare the origins, implementation, and consequences of two similar programs from Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal, each of which committed the federal government to extensive intervention in sectors of the U.S. economy. The Agricultural Adjustment Administration (AAA) and its industrial counterpart, the National Recovery Administration (NRA), had very different fates. The politically and economically successful AAA set trends in American farm policy that continue to the present. The NRA was rejected as an abysmal failure. Why such drastically different outcomes? A historical and institutional approach, Finegold and Skocpol contend, can explain the similarities and differences of the NRA and AAA better than competing approaches of pluralism, elite theory, Marxism, or rational choice. They show that the AAA aided large commercial farmers and increased their power over tenants, sharecroppers, and farm workers. The NRA, however, worked against the interests of its original business supporters and encouraged union organization among their workers. Finegold and Skocpol explain the contrasts in these programs by showing differences in the organization of governmental intervention in agriculture and in industry before the New Deal, and by tracking the differing ways capitalists, farmers, and workers participated in the New Deal political coalition. Both Finegold and Skocpol have been prominent in bringing renewed attention to national political institutions. Their crisp analysis of state and party dynamics contributes to theories of politics in advanced industrial societies and will appeal to political scientists, policy makers, sociologists, historians, and economists--in short, all those who must understand how past programs influence present U.S. policies.

A historically grounded and theoretically informed analysis of two major governmental interventions into the US economy--the National Recovery Administration and the Agricultural Adjustment Administration. Working back and forth between theories of politics in advanced capitalist democracies and the two concrete historical trajectories, the authors' argument is that the origins, implementation, and consequences of the NRA and AAA are best explained with a historical institutionalist, state- and party-centered approach. Paper edition (unseen), $19.95. Annotation copyright by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR

Brought up on Wilsonian democracy and populist ideals, a young Hubert Humphrey witnessed the near-failure of the American political system during the Great Depression and its revival under Franklin D. Roosevelt. In The Political Philosophy of the New Deal, Humphrey responds to the changing political landscape of his early adulthood and offers a broad-ranging analysis of the New Deal and its place in the American traditions of individualism and social responsibility. First published in 1970, Humphrey's book makes the case that the New Deal, by emphasizing stability for all citizens, situated itself firmly within the traditions of American democracy. His cogent assessment of Roosevelt's policies offers insights still applicable in current-day discourse about the financial and social sectors within the United States. This paperback edition includes a new foreword by Robert Mann, who explains the enduring importance of Humphrey's work and makes a strong case for the relevance of Humphrey's ideas in today's political climate.

The alliance of the industrial labor movement with the Democratic Party under Franklin D. Roosevelt has, perhaps more than any other factor, shaped the course of class relations in the United States over the ensuing forty years. Much has been written on the interests that were thereby served, and those that were coopted. In this detailed examination of the strategies pursued by both radical labor and the capitalist class in the struggle for industrial unionism, David Milton argues that while radical social change and independent political action were traded off by the industrial working class for economic rights, this was neither automatic nor inevitable. Rather, the outcome was the result of a fierce struggle in which capital fought labor and both fought for control over government labor policy. And, as he demonstrates, crucial to the outcome was the specific nature of the political coalitions contending for supremacy. In analyzing the politics of this struggle, Milton presents a fine description of the major strikes, beginning in 1933-1934, that led to the formation of the CIO and the great industrial unions. He looks closely at the role of the radical political groups, including the Communist Party, the Trotskyists, and the Socialist Party, and provides an enlightening discussion of their vulnerability during the red-baiting era. He also examines the battle between the AFL and the CIO for control of the labor movement, the alliance of the AFL with business interests, and the role of the Catholic Church. Finally, he shows how the extraordinary adeptness of President Roosevelt in allying with labor while at the same time exploiting divisions within the movement was essential to the successful channeling of social revolt into economic demands.

FDR -- the wily political opportunist glowing with charismatic charm, a leader venerated and hated with equal vigor -- such is one common notion of a president elected to an unprecedented four terms. But in this first comprehensive study of Roosevelt's leadership of the Democratic party, Sean Savage reveals a different man. He contends that, far from being a mere opportunist, Roosevelt brought to the party a conscious agenda, a longterm strategy of creating a liberal Democracy that would be an enduring majority force in American politics. The roots of Roosevelt's plan for the party ran back to his experiences with New York politics in the 1920s. It was here, Savage argues, that Roosevelt first began to perceive that a pluralistic voting base and a liberal philosophy offered the best way for Democrats to contend with the established Republican organization. With the collapse of the economy in 1929 and the discrediting of Republican fiscal policy, Roosevelt was ready to carry his views to the national scene when elected president in 1932. Through his analysis of the New Deal, Savage shows how Roosevelt made use of these programs to develop a policy agenda for the Democratic party, to establish a liberal ideology, and, most important, to create a coalition of interest groups and voting blocs that would continue to sustain the party long after his death. A significant aspect of Roosevelt's leadership was his reform of the Democratic National Committee, which was designed to make the party's organization more open and participatory in setting electoral platforms and in raising financial support. Savage's exploration of Roosevelt's party leadership offers a new perspective on the New Deal era and on one of America's great presidents that will be valuable for historians and political scientists alike.

From first to last the New Deal was a work in progress, a patchwork of often contradictory ideas.

The New Deal and American Society, 1933–1941 explores what some have labeled the third American revolution, in one concise and accessible volume. This book examines the emergence of modern America, beginning with the 100 Days legislation in 1933 through to the second New Deal era that began in 1935. This revolutionary period introduced sweeping social and economic legislation designed to provide the American people with a sense of hope while at the same time creating regulations designed to safeguard against future depressions. It was not without critics or failures, but even these proved significant in the ongoing discussions concerning the idea of federal power, social inclusion, and civil rights. Uncertainties concerning aggressive, nationalistic states like Italy, Germany, and Japan shifted the focus of FDR's administration, but the events of World War II solidified the ideas and policies begun during the 1930s, especially as they related to the welfare state. The legacy of the New Deal would resonate well into the current century through programs like Social Security, unemployment compensation, workers' rights, and the belief that the federal government is responsible for the economic well-being of its citizenry. The volume includes many primary documents to help situate students and bring this era to life. The text will be of interest to students of American history, economic and social history, and, more broadly, courses that engage social change and economic upheaval.