Rural reform policy has been an important part of the government policy in post-revolutionary Iran. This book seeks to examine the post-revolutionary rural policies and their socio-economic impact on rural people. After reviewing the main debates on rural development literature and providing the historical background of agrarian change in the pre-revolutionary era, it examines the post-revolutionary rural reforms in separate parts: the effects of the government agricultural policies on agricultural performance and the post-revolutionary reorganisational policies and the impact of rural strategies on the socio-economy of the rural life at village level.

This dissertation deals with the state and forms of development in post-revolutionary Iran, through a historical materialist perspective, in particular Nicos Poulantzas relational theory of the state. Analysing the formation and various restructurings of the post-revolutionary state through examining the modifications in the space of economic accumulation as well as political and ideological domination, this study emphasises on the discontinuities in the post- revolutionary period. For this purpose, the post-revolutionary state is demarcated from the monarchical one by explicating the emergence of the sub-imperialist form of development since the White Revolution, its crisis and dissolution subsequent to the 1979 revolution. Subsequently, this dissertation identifies and examines the unfolding of the late national bourgeoisie form of development and its protracted crisis followed by the neo-national bourgeois form of development. Through this historical periodization, this study aims to contribute to a better understanding of Irans assertive embedment in the region, in the years following the 2003 occupation of Iraq.

After the Islamic revolution in Iran, revolutionary leaders had to compromise their ideology. The Iranian ship of state continues to drift in search of an equilibrium between revolutionary convictions and the demands of governance, between religion and state, and Islam and the West.

The 1979 revolution fundamentally altered Iran’s political landscape as a generation of inexperienced clerics who did not hail from the ranks of the upper class—and were not tainted by association with the old regime—came to power. The actions and intentions of these truculent new leaders and their lay allies caused major international concern. Meanwhile, Iran’s domestic and foreign policy and its nuclear program have loomed large in daily news coverage. Despite global consternation, however, our knowledge about Iran’s political elite remains skeletal. Nearly four decades after the clergy became the state elite par excellence, there has been no empirical study of the recruitment, composition, and circulation of the Iranian ruling members after 1979. Postrevolutionary Iran: A Political Handbook provides the most comprehensive collection of data on political life in postrevolutionary Iran, including coverage of 36 national elections, more than 400 legal and outlawed political organizations, and family ties among the elite. It provides biographical sketches of more than 2,300 political personalities ranging from cabinet ministers and parliament deputies to clerical, judicial, and military leaders, much of this information previously unavailable in English. Providing a cartography of the complex structure of power in postrevolutionary Iran, this volume offers a window not only into the immediate years before and after the Iranian Revolution but also into what has happened during the last four turbulent decades. This volume and the data it contains will be invaluable to policymakers, researchers, and scholars of the Middle East alike.

This book unravels the story of English, the language of "the enemies", in post-revolutionary Iran. Situating English within the nation's broader social, political, economic and historical contexts, the book explores the politics, causes, and agents of the two diverging trends of indigenization/localization and internationalization/Anglo-Americanization in English education in Iran over the past three decades.

Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps, also known as the 'Sepah', has wielded considerable and increasing power in Iran in recent decades. Established in 1979 by Ayatollah Khomeini as a paramilitary organisation charged with protecting the nascent Islamic regime and countering the untrustworthy Imperial army (or 'Artesh'), the Sepah has evolved into one of the most powerful political, ideological, military and economic players in Iran over recent years. The Sepah is entrusted with a diverse set of indoctrination apparatus, training programmes and system welfare provisions intended to broaden support for the regime. Although established as a paramilitary organisation, the Sepah developed to have its own ministry, complex bureaucracy and diversified functions, alongside its own network and personnel. This book provides a comprehensive overview of the Sepah and its role. It examines the position of the Sepah in Iranian state and society, explores the nature of the Sepah's involvement in politics, and discusses the impact of the Sepah's political rise on Iran's economy and foreign policy. Contemporary Iran can only be fully understood by an awareness of the ongoing in-fighting among regime factions and increasing popular demands for social change – knowing about the Sepah is central to all this.